DRAMATIS PERSONAE:
CLINT EASTWOOD, a dishevelled blabbering old Hollywood actor and
director of global fame, standing in front of a pulpit;
BARACK OBAMA, an incumbent US president running for reelection,
sitting by and furiously tweeting on his smartphone.
***
EASTWOOD: (laughing; looks down at Obama, who's fidgeting with his
smartphone) So, Mr. President, how do you handle promises that you
have made when you were running for election, and how do you handle
them?
I mean, what do you say to people? Do you just -- you know -- I know
-- people were wondering -- you don't -- handle that OK. Well, I know
even people in your own party were very disappointed when you didn't
close Gitmo. And I thought, well, closing Gitmo -- why close that, we
spent so much money on it. But, I thought maybe as an excuse --
OBAMA: (shakes his head as he keeps fidgeting with his phone) Shut up, old man!
EASTWOOD: (laughs out) what do you mean, Shut up?
OBAMA: (shows Eastwood the middle finger while still riveted to his phone)
EASTWOOD: OK, I thought maybe it was just because somebody had the
stupid idea of trying terrorists in downtown New York City.
I've got to... to hand it to you. I have to give credit where credit
is due. You did finally overrule that finally. And that's --
OBAMA: (without looking up) You're welcome!
EASTWOOD: (delighted) Now we are moving onward. I know you were
against the war in Iraq, and that's okay.
But you thought the war in Afghanistan was OK.
You know, I mean -- you thought that was something worth doing. We
didn't check with the Russians to see how did it -- they did there for
10 years.
But we did it, and it is something to be thought about, and I think
that, when we get to maybe
-- I think you've mentioned something about having a target date for
bringing everybody
home. You gave that target date, and I think Mr. Romney asked the only
sensible question,
you know, he says, "Why are you giving the date out now? Why don't you
just bring them
home tomorrow morning?"
And I thought -- I thought, yeah--
OBAMA: (still thumbing on his phone) For crissake! I'm busy tweeting
here, old freak! Would you shut the fuck up?
EASTWOOD: I am not going to shut up, it is my turn.
So anyway, we're going to have -- we're going to have to have a little
chat about that. And then, I just wondered, all these promises -- I
wondered about when the --
OBAMA: (still fidgeting with his phone) By the way, tell Romney to
shove it up his tight ass! Ha! Ha! Ha!
EASTWOOD: What do you want me to tell Romney?
OBAMA: (still tweeting on) You heard me!
EASTWOOD: I can't tell him to do that. I can't tell him to do that to himself.
You're crazy, you're absolutely crazy. You're getting as bad as Biden.
OBAMA: (smiling, with a thumb up, and still fascinated by his phone)
Big Fucking Deal!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Mark Wilson/Getty Images
Via: npr.org
Friday, 31 August 2012
Thursday, 30 August 2012
Kinshasa Daily Le Potentiel accuses DRC Top Cop Gen. Charles Bisengimana of usurping state powers
(PHOTO: Gen. Charles Bisengimana Rukira)
***
Kinshasa independent daily Le Potentiel accused today DRC acting top
cop, Gen. Charles Bisengimana, of having usurped powers well above and
beyond his pay grade.
(Gen. Bisengimana has been acting in an interim capacity as DRC top
cop since the suspension in June 2010 of his boss, Gen. John Numbi,
whose name surfaced in the double murder of rights activist Floribert
"Flori" Chebeya and his driver Fidèle Bazana.
Gen. Bisengemina, a Rwandophone and an ex-officer of the former rebel
outfit RCD, was integrated into the national police since the peace
accords of 2003.)
The Potentiel article is titled "Confusion at the Congolese National Police."
(Page Address: www.lepotentielonline.com/709-confusion-a-la-police-nationale-congolaise)
In contention is the DRC Organic Law No. 11/013 of August 11, 2011.
The law, still to be implemented by a decree of the prime minister,
merges the Police Nationale Congolaise (PNC) and the Police Judiciaire
des Parquets (PJP) as subdivisions into one single entity called the
Police Nationale (PN).
Up to the implementation of the new law, the Congolese National Police
(PNC) is in the purview of the Interior Minister whereas the Public
Prosecutor's Judicial Police (PJP) is a division of the Justice
Minister.
Also, until the new law sees the light of day, the PJP is in charge of
the National Central Bureau (NCB) that links the resources of the
national police with INTERPOL.
Le Potentiel charges that for quite some time now, Gen. Bisengimana
has kept bombarding himself in administrative correspondence with the
rank of "Acting General Commissioner of National Police."
Again, Le Potentiel insists, the "National Police" to this day is
still an entity that only exists on paper.
Worse, on May 8, 2012, Gen. Bisengimana took upon himself to address
to INTERPOL Secretary General a letter in which he explains the new
structure of the National Police.
In the same letter, Gen. Bisengimina arrogated to himself the rank of
head of Kinshasa NCB/INTERPOL as well.
This was the last straw that triggered the response from the Judicial
Police, which frowned on Gen. Bisengimana for treading on its turf
without any legal mandate.
In a letter addressed to Gen. Bisengimana on June 8, Deputy General
Inspector of Judicial Police Pierre Masudi expressed his astonishment
at seeing the mention of "National Police" in official correspondence.
And to Masudi's knowledge, as of June 8, PNC and PJP were still two
separate entities--with the latter in charge of NCB/INTERPOL.
Masudi also reminded Gen. Bisengimana that in the protocol of the
International Criminal Police Organization (ICPO)/ INTERPOL, a police
entity that also deals with domestic political investigations can't be
part of a country member's NCB.
The conflict between Gen. Bisengimana and Masudi escalated so badly
that Attorney General Flory Kabange Numbi had to intervene in order to
remind both parties that the implementation of the reform was still
pending.
Le Potentiel sees this hoo-haa occurring at a time when the government
"is at pain to get out of the quagmire in the east where M23 are
consolidating" their positions as a nefarious ploy by Gen.
Bisengimansa "to seek the paralysis of both of these structures" [PNC
& PJP].
This is some heavy allegation made by Le Potentiel given, as I
mentioned above, the nature of the background of Gen. Bisengimana.
Were his downfall to happen, some would see it as the start of a purge
of former associates of M23 operators still in sensitize positions in
the DRC security sector.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: AFP
Via: prensalibre.com
***
Kinshasa independent daily Le Potentiel accused today DRC acting top
cop, Gen. Charles Bisengimana, of having usurped powers well above and
beyond his pay grade.
(Gen. Bisengimana has been acting in an interim capacity as DRC top
cop since the suspension in June 2010 of his boss, Gen. John Numbi,
whose name surfaced in the double murder of rights activist Floribert
"Flori" Chebeya and his driver Fidèle Bazana.
Gen. Bisengemina, a Rwandophone and an ex-officer of the former rebel
outfit RCD, was integrated into the national police since the peace
accords of 2003.)
The Potentiel article is titled "Confusion at the Congolese National Police."
(Page Address: www.lepotentielonline.com/709-confusion-a-la-police-nationale-congolaise)
In contention is the DRC Organic Law No. 11/013 of August 11, 2011.
The law, still to be implemented by a decree of the prime minister,
merges the Police Nationale Congolaise (PNC) and the Police Judiciaire
des Parquets (PJP) as subdivisions into one single entity called the
Police Nationale (PN).
Up to the implementation of the new law, the Congolese National Police
(PNC) is in the purview of the Interior Minister whereas the Public
Prosecutor's Judicial Police (PJP) is a division of the Justice
Minister.
Also, until the new law sees the light of day, the PJP is in charge of
the National Central Bureau (NCB) that links the resources of the
national police with INTERPOL.
Le Potentiel charges that for quite some time now, Gen. Bisengimana
has kept bombarding himself in administrative correspondence with the
rank of "Acting General Commissioner of National Police."
Again, Le Potentiel insists, the "National Police" to this day is
still an entity that only exists on paper.
Worse, on May 8, 2012, Gen. Bisengimana took upon himself to address
to INTERPOL Secretary General a letter in which he explains the new
structure of the National Police.
In the same letter, Gen. Bisengimina arrogated to himself the rank of
head of Kinshasa NCB/INTERPOL as well.
This was the last straw that triggered the response from the Judicial
Police, which frowned on Gen. Bisengimana for treading on its turf
without any legal mandate.
In a letter addressed to Gen. Bisengimana on June 8, Deputy General
Inspector of Judicial Police Pierre Masudi expressed his astonishment
at seeing the mention of "National Police" in official correspondence.
And to Masudi's knowledge, as of June 8, PNC and PJP were still two
separate entities--with the latter in charge of NCB/INTERPOL.
Masudi also reminded Gen. Bisengimana that in the protocol of the
International Criminal Police Organization (ICPO)/ INTERPOL, a police
entity that also deals with domestic political investigations can't be
part of a country member's NCB.
The conflict between Gen. Bisengimana and Masudi escalated so badly
that Attorney General Flory Kabange Numbi had to intervene in order to
remind both parties that the implementation of the reform was still
pending.
Le Potentiel sees this hoo-haa occurring at a time when the government
"is at pain to get out of the quagmire in the east where M23 are
consolidating" their positions as a nefarious ploy by Gen.
Bisengimansa "to seek the paralysis of both of these structures" [PNC
& PJP].
This is some heavy allegation made by Le Potentiel given, as I
mentioned above, the nature of the background of Gen. Bisengimana.
Were his downfall to happen, some would see it as the start of a purge
of former associates of M23 operators still in sensitize positions in
the DRC security sector.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: AFP
Via: prensalibre.com
Wednesday, 29 August 2012
From Zuma's Penis to Michelle Obama's boobs: Outrage of the Absurd
(PHOTO: Cover of Spanish fashion magazine Fuera de Serie with British
artist Karine Percheron-Daniels's retouch of Marie-Guillemine
Benoist's "Portrait d'une négresse" with Michelle Obama)
***
I'm furious to see French feminist painter Marie-Guillemine Benoist
(1768-1826) maligned by association in the current "racism"
controversy swirling around the very revolutionary painting that
established her reputation when it was displayed at the 1800 Salon.
On display at the Louvre today, "Le Portrait d'une négresse" is a tiny
oil on canvas painting (85x65cm) in which Benoist densely compresses
its theme to a flashpoint.
The painting was meant as a celebration of the abolition of slavery.
By a subtle subversion of its overt meaning, however, Benoist was able
to superimpose layers of radical connotations.
For instance, Benoist chose as subject a woman, instead of the male
slave usually associated with the hard labor of slavery on the
plantations of the Americas.
She further casts her subject in a bourgeois setting as an object of
sexual desire.
But what Marie-Guillemine Benoist brilliantly achieves is to make a
mockery of two major promises of the French Revolution:
1) The "brotherhood of the human race" was a con after all, and in
fact, two years after Benoist's painting, Napoléon reinstated slavery;
2) Gender equality was likewise another lie: French women were still
second-class citizens and in many ways just as disenfranchised as
plantation slaves.
Who knows? Maybe the "négresse" in Benoist's painting is the Parisian
woman still shackled as a slave in her bourgeois surrounding.
Now, fast forward to the furore these past few days over the Spanish
magazine Fura de Serie for having on its cover the "palimpset" over
Benoist's painting by Bristish artist Karine Percheron-Daniels.
Percheron-Daniels's retouch adds its own layers of subversion to
Benoist's subversive painting.
The absurdity of the present outrage is that the article of Fuera de
Serie is laudatory of Michelle Obama.
And Percheron-Daniels, a big fan of the American First Lady, meant her
work to be a tribute to her.
Oh, by the way, Percheron-Daniels's nude series has also one featuring
Barack Obama with his penis out!
Odd that this Obama's penis didn't get as much press and absurb
outrage as Brett Murray's The Spear.
I got a theory: ignoramuses being outraged by art these days never
had the basics of art history or aesthetics.
This tautological theory of mine won't do them justice. For they
belong to the category of the nutjobs willing to kill over a cartoon!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: fueradeserie.expansion.com
artist Karine Percheron-Daniels's retouch of Marie-Guillemine
Benoist's "Portrait d'une négresse" with Michelle Obama)
***
I'm furious to see French feminist painter Marie-Guillemine Benoist
(1768-1826) maligned by association in the current "racism"
controversy swirling around the very revolutionary painting that
established her reputation when it was displayed at the 1800 Salon.
On display at the Louvre today, "Le Portrait d'une négresse" is a tiny
oil on canvas painting (85x65cm) in which Benoist densely compresses
its theme to a flashpoint.
The painting was meant as a celebration of the abolition of slavery.
By a subtle subversion of its overt meaning, however, Benoist was able
to superimpose layers of radical connotations.
For instance, Benoist chose as subject a woman, instead of the male
slave usually associated with the hard labor of slavery on the
plantations of the Americas.
She further casts her subject in a bourgeois setting as an object of
sexual desire.
But what Marie-Guillemine Benoist brilliantly achieves is to make a
mockery of two major promises of the French Revolution:
1) The "brotherhood of the human race" was a con after all, and in
fact, two years after Benoist's painting, Napoléon reinstated slavery;
2) Gender equality was likewise another lie: French women were still
second-class citizens and in many ways just as disenfranchised as
plantation slaves.
Who knows? Maybe the "négresse" in Benoist's painting is the Parisian
woman still shackled as a slave in her bourgeois surrounding.
Now, fast forward to the furore these past few days over the Spanish
magazine Fura de Serie for having on its cover the "palimpset" over
Benoist's painting by Bristish artist Karine Percheron-Daniels.
Percheron-Daniels's retouch adds its own layers of subversion to
Benoist's subversive painting.
The absurdity of the present outrage is that the article of Fuera de
Serie is laudatory of Michelle Obama.
And Percheron-Daniels, a big fan of the American First Lady, meant her
work to be a tribute to her.
Oh, by the way, Percheron-Daniels's nude series has also one featuring
Barack Obama with his penis out!
Odd that this Obama's penis didn't get as much press and absurb
outrage as Brett Murray's The Spear.
I got a theory: ignoramuses being outraged by art these days never
had the basics of art history or aesthetics.
This tautological theory of mine won't do them justice. For they
belong to the category of the nutjobs willing to kill over a cartoon!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: fueradeserie.expansion.com
François Hollande in Kinshasa this October: Opposition wish for delocalizing Francophony Summit dashed
(PHOTO: French Prez François Hollande speaking at the 20th Conference
of Ambassadors at the Elysée Palace, Paris, Monday, August 27, 2012)
***
Some Congolese opposition parties--chief among them, the UDPS--were
campaigning for the delocalization of the Summit of Francophony, which
will be held in Kinshasa in mid-October.
A stupid strategy, if you ask me. For what better platform for the
opposition to voice its grievances than the Summit of Francophony?
Besides, at a time when the country is being attacked by Rwanda, you'd
think that the political class would show some maturity by presenting
a solid common front.
Instead of which some opposition leaders flooded the Kinshasa French
Embassy with petitions and memos demanding that the Summit be
delocalized to another African capital!
Maybe these slow-witted pols misconstrued the gathering as an
international plebiscitary summit of the Kabila regime under the aegis
of France, instead of construing it as the pride of an entire nation
hosting such a prestigious worldwide event.
Well, this past Monday, at the 20th Conference of (French)
Ambassadors, François Hollande dashed the opposition wish for
delocalizing the Summit while jabbing at the Kabila administration.
Said Hollande:
"I will be heading in a few weeks to the Summit of Francophony in
Kinshasa. I will reaffirm there that the Francophony is not simply
language sharing, it is also a community of principles and ideals, and
reminding those on every occasion is necessary, especially in the
Democratic Republic of Congo."
Hollande added he'll also be meeting with Congolese opposition and
civil society leaders.
I can safely predict that Etienne Tshisekedi won't certainly be among
those opposition leaders Hollande will be meeting in Kinshasa.
As one diplomat recently told me, by proclaiming himself president of
the republic, Tshisekedi has turned "radioactive" and, hence,
"irrelevant."
***
PHOTO CREDITS: MAE/F. de La Mure
Via: diplomatie.gouv.fr
of Ambassadors at the Elysée Palace, Paris, Monday, August 27, 2012)
***
Some Congolese opposition parties--chief among them, the UDPS--were
campaigning for the delocalization of the Summit of Francophony, which
will be held in Kinshasa in mid-October.
A stupid strategy, if you ask me. For what better platform for the
opposition to voice its grievances than the Summit of Francophony?
Besides, at a time when the country is being attacked by Rwanda, you'd
think that the political class would show some maturity by presenting
a solid common front.
Instead of which some opposition leaders flooded the Kinshasa French
Embassy with petitions and memos demanding that the Summit be
delocalized to another African capital!
Maybe these slow-witted pols misconstrued the gathering as an
international plebiscitary summit of the Kabila regime under the aegis
of France, instead of construing it as the pride of an entire nation
hosting such a prestigious worldwide event.
Well, this past Monday, at the 20th Conference of (French)
Ambassadors, François Hollande dashed the opposition wish for
delocalizing the Summit while jabbing at the Kabila administration.
Said Hollande:
"I will be heading in a few weeks to the Summit of Francophony in
Kinshasa. I will reaffirm there that the Francophony is not simply
language sharing, it is also a community of principles and ideals, and
reminding those on every occasion is necessary, especially in the
Democratic Republic of Congo."
Hollande added he'll also be meeting with Congolese opposition and
civil society leaders.
I can safely predict that Etienne Tshisekedi won't certainly be among
those opposition leaders Hollande will be meeting in Kinshasa.
As one diplomat recently told me, by proclaiming himself president of
the republic, Tshisekedi has turned "radioactive" and, hence,
"irrelevant."
***
PHOTO CREDITS: MAE/F. de La Mure
Via: diplomatie.gouv.fr
Sunday, 26 August 2012
Kigali tells Belgian FM Didier Reynders the whole world is hallucinating
(PHOTO: Didier Reynders at the Paras Belges Memorial in Kigali,
Saturday, August 25, 2012. Ten Belgian peacekeepers were slaughtered
here by the génocidaires on April 7, 1994)
***
Didier Reynders's visit at the Paras Belges Memorial is part of
mandatory state protocol for any Belgian official visiting Kigali.
But the Memorial was also pregnant with potent symbolism for
Reynders's very own "shuttle diplomacy."
The génocidaire Major Bernard Ntuyahaga is the maniac who ordered the
massacre of the 10 Belgian paratroopers, and the murder of their
charge, then Rwandan Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana (her husband
was killed with her too, in front of their residence ).
Subsequently, Major Bernard Ntuyahaga moved on to actively participate
in other genocidal atrocities.
In 2007, Major Ntuyahaga was convicted by a Belgian court and
sentenced to 20-year behind bars.
But to this day, this sociopathic génocidaire is still claiming his innocence.
In fact, this maniac was so good at faking his innocence that at his
first trial the prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha dropped all charges against him.
Then, faced with the public outrage over this blattant miscarriage of
justice, Tanzania extradited this mass murderer to Belgium!
(See Page Address: en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bernard_Ntuyahaga)
Well, Kigali has taken a page from the playbook of génocidaire Bernard
Ntuyahaga: pleading not guilty despite the mountain of incriminating
evidence!
Kigali is further and further entrenching itsefl into the small hole
of this stupid strategy with apparently no dignified way out.
Not even the soft warning of Reynders about a possible "international
escalation" of sanctions at the UN if Rwanda doesn't change its tune
was of no effect on Kigali unhinged leaders.
But all those in their right mind--that is, the rest of the world--are
getting sick and tired of Kigali dissemblers.
Belgian reporter and blogger Colette Braeckman, who's covering
Reynders's Africa trip, opens her August 26 post titled "Collective
Hallucination" by rehearsing the improbable premises of the pitch
Rwanda has been attempting to peddle to the flabbergasted world in the
past few months:
"The UN experts and blue helmets, the populations of Rutshuru,
Bunagana and of the entire border area, countless local peasant
organizations, international rights NGOs like Human Rights Watch, a
few journalists--are they all stricken by some strange disorder, some
kind of collective hallucination that might have led them, without
talking with one another, to denounce, with supporting evidence, the
support extended to M23 mutineers by Rwanda?"
(blog.lesoir.be/colette-braeckman/2012/08/26/hallucination-collective/)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: belga.be
Via: lesoir.be
Saturday, August 25, 2012. Ten Belgian peacekeepers were slaughtered
here by the génocidaires on April 7, 1994)
***
Didier Reynders's visit at the Paras Belges Memorial is part of
mandatory state protocol for any Belgian official visiting Kigali.
But the Memorial was also pregnant with potent symbolism for
Reynders's very own "shuttle diplomacy."
The génocidaire Major Bernard Ntuyahaga is the maniac who ordered the
massacre of the 10 Belgian paratroopers, and the murder of their
charge, then Rwandan Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana (her husband
was killed with her too, in front of their residence ).
Subsequently, Major Bernard Ntuyahaga moved on to actively participate
in other genocidal atrocities.
In 2007, Major Ntuyahaga was convicted by a Belgian court and
sentenced to 20-year behind bars.
But to this day, this sociopathic génocidaire is still claiming his innocence.
In fact, this maniac was so good at faking his innocence that at his
first trial the prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha dropped all charges against him.
Then, faced with the public outrage over this blattant miscarriage of
justice, Tanzania extradited this mass murderer to Belgium!
(See Page Address: en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bernard_Ntuyahaga)
Well, Kigali has taken a page from the playbook of génocidaire Bernard
Ntuyahaga: pleading not guilty despite the mountain of incriminating
evidence!
Kigali is further and further entrenching itsefl into the small hole
of this stupid strategy with apparently no dignified way out.
Not even the soft warning of Reynders about a possible "international
escalation" of sanctions at the UN if Rwanda doesn't change its tune
was of no effect on Kigali unhinged leaders.
But all those in their right mind--that is, the rest of the world--are
getting sick and tired of Kigali dissemblers.
Belgian reporter and blogger Colette Braeckman, who's covering
Reynders's Africa trip, opens her August 26 post titled "Collective
Hallucination" by rehearsing the improbable premises of the pitch
Rwanda has been attempting to peddle to the flabbergasted world in the
past few months:
"The UN experts and blue helmets, the populations of Rutshuru,
Bunagana and of the entire border area, countless local peasant
organizations, international rights NGOs like Human Rights Watch, a
few journalists--are they all stricken by some strange disorder, some
kind of collective hallucination that might have led them, without
talking with one another, to denounce, with supporting evidence, the
support extended to M23 mutineers by Rwanda?"
(blog.lesoir.be/colette-braeckman/2012/08/26/hallucination-collective/)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: belga.be
Via: lesoir.be
M23 baffling tactical event at Kiwanja: Prodding MONUSCO INDBATT-2 resolve?
(PHOTO: Indian troops of MONUSCO Peacekeeping brigade battle group
battalion "INDBATT-2" defending their Kiwanja base against M23, July
25)
***
Radio Okapi is reporting that, breaking the lull observed these past
few weeks on the frontline, the M23 staged a major tactical event
north of Kiwanja.
The event took place from the morning of Thursday, August 23, till the
evening of Friday, August 24.
Radio Okapi sources didn't provide the number of casualties--if there were any.
Other sources tell Radio Okapi that M23 had attempted to skirt the
FARDC and were repelled up to the town of Mabenga, about 18 km north
of Kiwanja.
As in most media reports, Radio Okapi doesn't provide a map of troops'
positions and movements.
The report further says that none of the FARDC senior officers at
Mabenga could confirm or deny the incident.
But what's certain is that for the first time road traffic between
Kiwanja and Kanyabayonga has been cut off--grounding merchandise
trucks heading southward towards Goma.
The report concludes:
"A precarious calm was observed since the morning of Saturday, August
25, in the town of Mabenga and the inhabitants, who have fled in the
bush, have started to return to their village."
(Page Address: radiookapi.net/actualite/2012/08/25/nord-kivu-des-affrontements-auraient-oppose-les-fardc-au-m23-kiwanja/)
***
Reading this report, a number of observations come to mind.
FIRSTLY, this report is credible.
Radio Okapi has reliable military sources within MONUSCO in the area.
SECONDLY, what's baffling in the report is that there's no mention at
all of the role--if any--played by the MONUSCO Indian Brigade Battle
Group Battalion INDBATT-2 based at Kiwanja.
This professional warlike battalion has several Infantry Combat
Vehicles (ICVs) it can deploy in the theater, with a follow-up of
search-and-destroy Quick Action Teams (QAT) on foot it can unleash in
no time.
Furthermore, INDBATT-2, like the rest of the Indian brigade deployed
in North Kivu, can count on air support from the MONUSCO Indian
Aviation Contingent-III (IAC-III) that has a number of gunships in the
area.
THIRDLY, in the past couple of years, the Indian contingent has
suffered a number of casualties at the hands of armed groups in the
area.
One such major incident, with INDBATT-2 at the receiving end, took
place in mid-August 2010 when about 50 Mai-Mai armed with machettes
stormed the MONUSCO outpost of Kirumba (near Mabenga), killing 3
Indian peacekeepers.
The most recent Indian casualty occurred on July 5, when an INDBATT
blue helmet was caught in a cross-fire between FARDC and M23 at
Bunagana.
If anything, Indian peacekeepers have an axe to grind with M23 and
other armed groups.
Therefore, there's no way INDBATT-2 would sit by and let dangerous
attackers run amok in their midst.
FIFTHLY, a slight change of mandate of MONUSCO troops deployed in the
North Kivu happened recently. They've now been mandated to interdict
any M23 progression towards Goma.
What's more, most recent press reports give a skewed version of
troops' positions in the area.
While it's true that some M23 are perilously close to Goma, this
report shows that Kiwanja, at 70 km north of Goma, is still in the
hands of FARDC and MONUSCO.
However, early this month, British photojournalist Phil Moore saw the
forest area around Kiwanja and Mabenga teeming with M23--especially
along the River Rwindi that runs nearby.
So what were the M23 up to at Kiwanja?
Why come so near Kiwanja, where MONUSCO has a solid foothold and where
FARDC have moved in after M23 withdrawal?
And, more importantly, why this move northward where they'd likely
encounter tough resistance--including from hostile local militias?
Were M23 prodding the resolve of INDBATT-2 or of the FARDC?
Was this some kind of a diversionary maneuver gone awry?
Was the move meant to tighten the noose on Goma?
I don't know what this wasteful tactical maneuver staged by M23 really means.
What it demonstrates, however, is the equally wasteful defensive
"status quo" option the FARDC are taking.
Be that as it may, INDBATT-2 or the still imaginary "neutral force"
won't fight all the battles of FARDC.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: © MPIO-NKB
Via: monusco.org
battalion "INDBATT-2" defending their Kiwanja base against M23, July
25)
***
Radio Okapi is reporting that, breaking the lull observed these past
few weeks on the frontline, the M23 staged a major tactical event
north of Kiwanja.
The event took place from the morning of Thursday, August 23, till the
evening of Friday, August 24.
Radio Okapi sources didn't provide the number of casualties--if there were any.
Other sources tell Radio Okapi that M23 had attempted to skirt the
FARDC and were repelled up to the town of Mabenga, about 18 km north
of Kiwanja.
As in most media reports, Radio Okapi doesn't provide a map of troops'
positions and movements.
The report further says that none of the FARDC senior officers at
Mabenga could confirm or deny the incident.
But what's certain is that for the first time road traffic between
Kiwanja and Kanyabayonga has been cut off--grounding merchandise
trucks heading southward towards Goma.
The report concludes:
"A precarious calm was observed since the morning of Saturday, August
25, in the town of Mabenga and the inhabitants, who have fled in the
bush, have started to return to their village."
(Page Address: radiookapi.net/actualite/2012/08/25/nord-kivu-des-affrontements-auraient-oppose-les-fardc-au-m23-kiwanja/)
***
Reading this report, a number of observations come to mind.
FIRSTLY, this report is credible.
Radio Okapi has reliable military sources within MONUSCO in the area.
SECONDLY, what's baffling in the report is that there's no mention at
all of the role--if any--played by the MONUSCO Indian Brigade Battle
Group Battalion INDBATT-2 based at Kiwanja.
This professional warlike battalion has several Infantry Combat
Vehicles (ICVs) it can deploy in the theater, with a follow-up of
search-and-destroy Quick Action Teams (QAT) on foot it can unleash in
no time.
Furthermore, INDBATT-2, like the rest of the Indian brigade deployed
in North Kivu, can count on air support from the MONUSCO Indian
Aviation Contingent-III (IAC-III) that has a number of gunships in the
area.
THIRDLY, in the past couple of years, the Indian contingent has
suffered a number of casualties at the hands of armed groups in the
area.
One such major incident, with INDBATT-2 at the receiving end, took
place in mid-August 2010 when about 50 Mai-Mai armed with machettes
stormed the MONUSCO outpost of Kirumba (near Mabenga), killing 3
Indian peacekeepers.
The most recent Indian casualty occurred on July 5, when an INDBATT
blue helmet was caught in a cross-fire between FARDC and M23 at
Bunagana.
If anything, Indian peacekeepers have an axe to grind with M23 and
other armed groups.
Therefore, there's no way INDBATT-2 would sit by and let dangerous
attackers run amok in their midst.
FIFTHLY, a slight change of mandate of MONUSCO troops deployed in the
North Kivu happened recently. They've now been mandated to interdict
any M23 progression towards Goma.
What's more, most recent press reports give a skewed version of
troops' positions in the area.
While it's true that some M23 are perilously close to Goma, this
report shows that Kiwanja, at 70 km north of Goma, is still in the
hands of FARDC and MONUSCO.
However, early this month, British photojournalist Phil Moore saw the
forest area around Kiwanja and Mabenga teeming with M23--especially
along the River Rwindi that runs nearby.
So what were the M23 up to at Kiwanja?
Why come so near Kiwanja, where MONUSCO has a solid foothold and where
FARDC have moved in after M23 withdrawal?
And, more importantly, why this move northward where they'd likely
encounter tough resistance--including from hostile local militias?
Were M23 prodding the resolve of INDBATT-2 or of the FARDC?
Was this some kind of a diversionary maneuver gone awry?
Was the move meant to tighten the noose on Goma?
I don't know what this wasteful tactical maneuver staged by M23 really means.
What it demonstrates, however, is the equally wasteful defensive
"status quo" option the FARDC are taking.
Be that as it may, INDBATT-2 or the still imaginary "neutral force"
won't fight all the battles of FARDC.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: © MPIO-NKB
Via: monusco.org
Saturday, 25 August 2012
Rwanda: From RPF Congo Desk Fund to AGACIRO Development Fund (AgDF)
(PHOTO: Prez Paul Kagame at the launch of the Agaciro Development
Fund, at Kigali Serena Hotel, August 23)
***
The Kigali 5-star Serena Hotel was the setting of the festive launch
by President Paul Kagame of the Agaciro Development Fund (AgDF) on
Thursday, August 23.
According to Kigali New Times reporter Edwin Musoni, "Agaciro" is a
Kinyarwanda language word "closely translated to mean
dignity or self-worth."
(Page Address: www.newtimes.co.rw/news/index.php?i=15094&a=57454)
The Agaciro, a "solidarity fund," is a brainchild of President Kagame,
who's been mulling it for over a year now.
But its urgency came in full force recently with the spate of aid
cutoffs by Western governments as Rwanda was seen to be embarking in a
another war of pillage of Congo resources.
The idea is that all Rwandan citizens can contribute to the fund to
offset the loss of development aid monies.
At the launch of the Agaciro, $2m was pledged.
President Kagame, who's denying any involvement in the current war in
eastern Congo just as he'd denied it in the past, is now claiming that
Rwanda is a victim of a worldwide conspiracy.
President Kagame told the audience at Serena Hotel:
"The way the whole world descends on Rwanda is a mystery. It is not
understandable.
"This form of injustice you can't find anywhere else."
The Agaciro should give the heebie-jeebies to the Congolese government
as it's a pointer to the fact that Rwanda is in this war for the long
haul.
For, though touted as a development fund, the Agaciro seems to be the
countrywide broadening of war chests Kagame had established in the
past in his military entrepreneurial ventures in the Congo.
One such Kagame's war chest comes to mind: the "Congo Desk," into
which all the Rwandan troops plundering the Congo had to
contribute--in money and minerals.
The "Congo Desk" made the war in and occupation of the Congo a
successful sustainable enterprise.
In an op-ed published in April 2004 in The Guardian titled "Victim's
Licence," George Monbiot wrote:
"By 1999, the 'Congo Desk' of the
Rwandan army was generating 80% of the Rwandan military budget--some
$320 million.
"This is the equivalent of
20% of Rwanda's gross national
product."
(Page Address: www.monbiot.com/2004/04/13/victims-licence/)
I see the same thread running from Congo Desk to Agaciro.
The Agaciro is a further streamlining of the fundraising drive for a
more permanent plunder of Congo resources designed by Kagame for his
Rwandan military entrepreneurs.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: newsofrwanda.com
Fund, at Kigali Serena Hotel, August 23)
***
The Kigali 5-star Serena Hotel was the setting of the festive launch
by President Paul Kagame of the Agaciro Development Fund (AgDF) on
Thursday, August 23.
According to Kigali New Times reporter Edwin Musoni, "Agaciro" is a
Kinyarwanda language word "closely translated to mean
dignity or self-worth."
(Page Address: www.newtimes.co.rw/news/index.php?i=15094&a=57454)
The Agaciro, a "solidarity fund," is a brainchild of President Kagame,
who's been mulling it for over a year now.
But its urgency came in full force recently with the spate of aid
cutoffs by Western governments as Rwanda was seen to be embarking in a
another war of pillage of Congo resources.
The idea is that all Rwandan citizens can contribute to the fund to
offset the loss of development aid monies.
At the launch of the Agaciro, $2m was pledged.
President Kagame, who's denying any involvement in the current war in
eastern Congo just as he'd denied it in the past, is now claiming that
Rwanda is a victim of a worldwide conspiracy.
President Kagame told the audience at Serena Hotel:
"The way the whole world descends on Rwanda is a mystery. It is not
understandable.
"This form of injustice you can't find anywhere else."
The Agaciro should give the heebie-jeebies to the Congolese government
as it's a pointer to the fact that Rwanda is in this war for the long
haul.
For, though touted as a development fund, the Agaciro seems to be the
countrywide broadening of war chests Kagame had established in the
past in his military entrepreneurial ventures in the Congo.
One such Kagame's war chest comes to mind: the "Congo Desk," into
which all the Rwandan troops plundering the Congo had to
contribute--in money and minerals.
The "Congo Desk" made the war in and occupation of the Congo a
successful sustainable enterprise.
In an op-ed published in April 2004 in The Guardian titled "Victim's
Licence," George Monbiot wrote:
"By 1999, the 'Congo Desk' of the
Rwandan army was generating 80% of the Rwandan military budget--some
$320 million.
"This is the equivalent of
20% of Rwanda's gross national
product."
(Page Address: www.monbiot.com/2004/04/13/victims-licence/)
I see the same thread running from Congo Desk to Agaciro.
The Agaciro is a further streamlining of the fundraising drive for a
more permanent plunder of Congo resources designed by Kagame for his
Rwandan military entrepreneurs.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: newsofrwanda.com
Thursday, 23 August 2012
Belgian FM Didier Reynders and Prez Kabila at Lubumbashi: Shuttle Diplomacy or lessons on SSR to Congo?
(PHOTO: Belgian Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister Didier Reynders
with Prez Joseph Kabila at Lubumbashi, August 22)
***
Belgian Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister Didier Reynders is on a
4-day visit in the DRC.
Reynders is scheduled to fly to Kigali on Saturday after visits to the
Kivus--including, according to reporter Colette Braeckman, a stop at a
hospital run by the Order of Malta on Idjwi Island, in South Kivu.
Despite their diplomatically friendly demeanor towards Reynders,
Kinshasa officials are angry at Belgium.
Belgium is one of the last European holdouts that still continue to
extend financial aid to Rwanda to the tune of €165m.
During his stay in Kinshasa, Reynders met successively with Speaker
Aubin Minaku and Premier Augustin Matata Ponyo, both of whom are
pressuring the government of the former colonizing power to take a
more aggressive stance against Rwanda--starting off with cutting off
aid money.
To both Congolese officials, Reynders kept repeating his mantra:
"Belgium recognizes the complete sovereignty of the Congo on the
entirety of its territory, takes exception to any undermining of the
rule of law, condemns unequivocally a rebellion there's nothing to
negotiate with!"
Kabila is still in Lubumbashi, the provincial capital of Katanga,
where he flew in from Maputo, Mozambique, where he'd attended the SADC
meeting.
And Reynders flew to Lubumbashi to meet with Kabila as well as to
visit mining companies.
Emerging from a one-hour meeting with Kabila on Wednesday, August 22,
Reynders told the media:
"The priority in the short term is the pacification of the east. It's
also to condemn the rebellion that's taking place in the east; it's to
make certain that the integrity of the territory of Congo is
guaranteed; that there's no interference whatsoever."
But Reynders also snarled at the DRC government--closing his litany
above by blasting state incompetence and impotence as well as the
misguided approach to the Securiry Sector Reform (SSR) in the DRC:
"This is achieved more particularly by the reinforcement of the state
of law and a reform of the army!"
Adding:
"The mistake made in the past was to want to integrate more often into
the Congolese armed forces a certain number of rebels, of mutineers,
and of undisciplined [elements]. That mistake shouldn't be repeated in
the future."
Reynders ended his SSR lesson with his version of the obvious,
"Garbage in garbage out":
"By integrating undisciplined elements, undiscipline is integrated by
the same token."
Reynders is talking as if this SSR approach of integration,
incorporation, and "brassage" [intermingling] was a concept dreamed up
by the Congolese--and not by international experts, including those of
the European Union.
Reynders maintains he didn't come to the African Great Lakes for
shuttle diplomacy, but to talk to DRC and Rwanda separately, which
could obtain, he firmly believes, a breakthrough.
Said Reynders:
"If indeed Rwanda doesn't wish to play a negative role in the east of
Congo, it's up to it to make the first step and to play a positive
role."
Well, good luck on that mission impossible, Mr. Reynders!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: AFP: Via: lesoir.be
with Prez Joseph Kabila at Lubumbashi, August 22)
***
Belgian Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister Didier Reynders is on a
4-day visit in the DRC.
Reynders is scheduled to fly to Kigali on Saturday after visits to the
Kivus--including, according to reporter Colette Braeckman, a stop at a
hospital run by the Order of Malta on Idjwi Island, in South Kivu.
Despite their diplomatically friendly demeanor towards Reynders,
Kinshasa officials are angry at Belgium.
Belgium is one of the last European holdouts that still continue to
extend financial aid to Rwanda to the tune of €165m.
During his stay in Kinshasa, Reynders met successively with Speaker
Aubin Minaku and Premier Augustin Matata Ponyo, both of whom are
pressuring the government of the former colonizing power to take a
more aggressive stance against Rwanda--starting off with cutting off
aid money.
To both Congolese officials, Reynders kept repeating his mantra:
"Belgium recognizes the complete sovereignty of the Congo on the
entirety of its territory, takes exception to any undermining of the
rule of law, condemns unequivocally a rebellion there's nothing to
negotiate with!"
Kabila is still in Lubumbashi, the provincial capital of Katanga,
where he flew in from Maputo, Mozambique, where he'd attended the SADC
meeting.
And Reynders flew to Lubumbashi to meet with Kabila as well as to
visit mining companies.
Emerging from a one-hour meeting with Kabila on Wednesday, August 22,
Reynders told the media:
"The priority in the short term is the pacification of the east. It's
also to condemn the rebellion that's taking place in the east; it's to
make certain that the integrity of the territory of Congo is
guaranteed; that there's no interference whatsoever."
But Reynders also snarled at the DRC government--closing his litany
above by blasting state incompetence and impotence as well as the
misguided approach to the Securiry Sector Reform (SSR) in the DRC:
"This is achieved more particularly by the reinforcement of the state
of law and a reform of the army!"
Adding:
"The mistake made in the past was to want to integrate more often into
the Congolese armed forces a certain number of rebels, of mutineers,
and of undisciplined [elements]. That mistake shouldn't be repeated in
the future."
Reynders ended his SSR lesson with his version of the obvious,
"Garbage in garbage out":
"By integrating undisciplined elements, undiscipline is integrated by
the same token."
Reynders is talking as if this SSR approach of integration,
incorporation, and "brassage" [intermingling] was a concept dreamed up
by the Congolese--and not by international experts, including those of
the European Union.
Reynders maintains he didn't come to the African Great Lakes for
shuttle diplomacy, but to talk to DRC and Rwanda separately, which
could obtain, he firmly believes, a breakthrough.
Said Reynders:
"If indeed Rwanda doesn't wish to play a negative role in the east of
Congo, it's up to it to make the first step and to play a positive
role."
Well, good luck on that mission impossible, Mr. Reynders!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: AFP: Via: lesoir.be
Thriving Insurgent Economy (M23's taxes vs. FDLR's bushmeat) and their chokehold on Goma
(PHOTO: A "lady with hippo meat" nabbed by Virunga Park Rangers on
August 21. The hippo was killed by the FDLR. With The proceeds from
the sale of the hippo meat, the FDLR bought 2 PKM machine guns)
***
There's no other way around this observation:
The DRC government is asleep at the switch.
It now allows the status quo to fester unchecked, hoping against all
hope that its Hail Mary pass to regional and international bodies
would somwhow deal a deadly blow to the multi-faceted insurgencies in
the North Kivu Province.
Already on August 17, the M23 announced the composition of its
10-member government (not counting the 11 vice-ministers)--though DRC
Media Minister called the announcement a "non-event."
(In my view, two members of this renegade government should be of
special interest to the DRC justice system, in the event that these
M23 highway bandits are brought to justice one day: Justin Gashema,
their mock minister of Finances, Budget and Natural Resources; and his
2 deputies, Castro Mbera and Ephrem Bwishe.)
What unfolds as an intolerable daily event for Gomatracians (as Goma
residents are called), however, is the skyrocketting prices of basic
commodities.
As strange as this might sound, the cogwheels of commerce were hardly
stopped by the current war in North Kivu.
In fact, there's a thriving trade and even a two-way movement of
people between M-23-occupied areas and the city of Goma--and beyond.
The M-23 are relying for now on hefty taxes on merchandise and road
tolls on trucks heading to Goma.
On their part, the FDLR are killing near-extinct species of animals at
the Virunga National Park and selling them wholesale to traders, who
then go to sell them on retail in Goma.
Charly Kasereka is a Gomatracian journalism student who has an
informative blog in French called Actu du Kivu (Page Address:
actudukivu.blogspot.com).
Charly Kasereka is bold enough to travel to areas held by the M23.
In a recent France 24 report (via Radio Okapi) describing the
chokehold of the insurgent economy on the provincial capital of Goma,
Charly Kasereka was quoted as saying (my translation from the French):
"You don't find anything worthwhile these days in Goma markets and
everything has become very expensive: corn, beans, milk, all basic
commodities.
"Before [the insurgency], a 100kg-sack of manioc cost between $25 and
$30. Today, the same quantity costs between $45 and $50.
"And 1kg of beans, for example, that cost $0.5 before now fetches almost $1.
"Prices for basic commodities have almost doubled!
"In a city where residents are already very poor, people are suffering.
"Many people are unemployed and the minimum income and wage of a
person living off of small trade or working in a shop is only between
$20 and $30 per month.
"Food therefore now costs the earth.
"A few days ago, I met truck drivers who were complaining of their
[worsening] work conditions.
"One of them, who's been shuttling merchandise between Goma and Lubero
[at 215 kms of Goma] for ten years, told me that before [the current
war] it took him 8 hours to reach Goma.
"Today, it takes him 14 hours.
"Ever since they seized Rutshuru in early July, the M23 rebels have
multiplied barriers and carry out long inspections of trucks.
"On his last trip, they [M23] levied a tax of $350 on his manioc cargo.
"Before the arrival of rebels, he used to pay at the most $50 in cargo taxes.
"Trucks that transport wooden and timber planks for construction face
even heftier taxes [according to Radio Okapi, each truck with a cargo
of wooden planks is taxed $1,000].
"There are other roads to Goma.
"But two of them are as dangerous [as the Beni-Goma road section],
because they go through areas where a new armed group is wreaking
violence.
"And at any rate, taking these other routes forces trucks to take
enormous detours.
"It's still possible to go to Rwanda [Goma is near the Rwanda-Congo border].
"But there, you mostly find household appliances, clothing items, but
no foodstuffs.
"Rwandans themselves come shopping [for foodstuffs in Goma].
"The Beni-Goma road is therefore absolutely essential."
(SOURCE: observers.france24.com/fr/content/20120816-taxee-rebelles-m23-nourriture-devient-hors-prix-goma-republique-democratique-congo-rdc-camions-route-nationale)
***
While the M23 are holding Congolese truck drivers to ransom and slowly
choking, their FDLR compadres are cowardly killing specimens of
near-extinct fauna in the Virunga National Park.
Virunga National Park Chief Warden, Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode, gives a
chilling account of the ongoing massacre perpetrated by the FDLR at
the Park in his post of August 21 titled "Caught in the Act."
Dr. de Mérode's post reads (I reformat the post for readability as I
am using a mobile phone):
"As we were driving back from the airfield this afternoon, we overtook
a truck.
"Just as we drove past, a waft of that sadly familiar smell of
bushmeat swept through the window.
"A quick call to Sekibibi, who was on duty at Rumangabo just up the
road, and within seconds he was running down the hill with a section
of rangers.
" Just in time to intercept the truck.
"I left them to it, they knew exactly what to do.
"The truck was searched through, and sure enough, a lady with hippo
meat (we've blurred her face for legal reasons).
"She was from Ishasha on her way to sell the meat at the Goma market,
and the hippo was from Nyakakoma, killed by the FDLR militias.
"Each piece of meat sells for an incredible 30 dollars.
"The whole operation lasted less than an hour.
"Unfortunately, with all the armed militias in the eastern sector of
the park we're going to have to launch many such operations to stop
the killings.
"The trade is incredibly damaging.
"Not only is it destroying the park, it's destroying the fish stocks
on the lake (hippos are the main reason the lake is so productive) and
as a result, destroying people's livelihoods.
"It's also putting money into the hands of the FDLR, and they're using
that money to buy weapons that they use to kill our rangers (we
received a report yesterday that they've bought two PKM machine guns
in Ishasha with the money from the sale of bushmeat).
(SOURCE: gorillacd.org/2012/08/21/caught-in-the-act/)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: gorillacd.org
August 21. The hippo was killed by the FDLR. With The proceeds from
the sale of the hippo meat, the FDLR bought 2 PKM machine guns)
***
There's no other way around this observation:
The DRC government is asleep at the switch.
It now allows the status quo to fester unchecked, hoping against all
hope that its Hail Mary pass to regional and international bodies
would somwhow deal a deadly blow to the multi-faceted insurgencies in
the North Kivu Province.
Already on August 17, the M23 announced the composition of its
10-member government (not counting the 11 vice-ministers)--though DRC
Media Minister called the announcement a "non-event."
(In my view, two members of this renegade government should be of
special interest to the DRC justice system, in the event that these
M23 highway bandits are brought to justice one day: Justin Gashema,
their mock minister of Finances, Budget and Natural Resources; and his
2 deputies, Castro Mbera and Ephrem Bwishe.)
What unfolds as an intolerable daily event for Gomatracians (as Goma
residents are called), however, is the skyrocketting prices of basic
commodities.
As strange as this might sound, the cogwheels of commerce were hardly
stopped by the current war in North Kivu.
In fact, there's a thriving trade and even a two-way movement of
people between M-23-occupied areas and the city of Goma--and beyond.
The M-23 are relying for now on hefty taxes on merchandise and road
tolls on trucks heading to Goma.
On their part, the FDLR are killing near-extinct species of animals at
the Virunga National Park and selling them wholesale to traders, who
then go to sell them on retail in Goma.
Charly Kasereka is a Gomatracian journalism student who has an
informative blog in French called Actu du Kivu (Page Address:
actudukivu.blogspot.com).
Charly Kasereka is bold enough to travel to areas held by the M23.
In a recent France 24 report (via Radio Okapi) describing the
chokehold of the insurgent economy on the provincial capital of Goma,
Charly Kasereka was quoted as saying (my translation from the French):
"You don't find anything worthwhile these days in Goma markets and
everything has become very expensive: corn, beans, milk, all basic
commodities.
"Before [the insurgency], a 100kg-sack of manioc cost between $25 and
$30. Today, the same quantity costs between $45 and $50.
"And 1kg of beans, for example, that cost $0.5 before now fetches almost $1.
"Prices for basic commodities have almost doubled!
"In a city where residents are already very poor, people are suffering.
"Many people are unemployed and the minimum income and wage of a
person living off of small trade or working in a shop is only between
$20 and $30 per month.
"Food therefore now costs the earth.
"A few days ago, I met truck drivers who were complaining of their
[worsening] work conditions.
"One of them, who's been shuttling merchandise between Goma and Lubero
[at 215 kms of Goma] for ten years, told me that before [the current
war] it took him 8 hours to reach Goma.
"Today, it takes him 14 hours.
"Ever since they seized Rutshuru in early July, the M23 rebels have
multiplied barriers and carry out long inspections of trucks.
"On his last trip, they [M23] levied a tax of $350 on his manioc cargo.
"Before the arrival of rebels, he used to pay at the most $50 in cargo taxes.
"Trucks that transport wooden and timber planks for construction face
even heftier taxes [according to Radio Okapi, each truck with a cargo
of wooden planks is taxed $1,000].
"There are other roads to Goma.
"But two of them are as dangerous [as the Beni-Goma road section],
because they go through areas where a new armed group is wreaking
violence.
"And at any rate, taking these other routes forces trucks to take
enormous detours.
"It's still possible to go to Rwanda [Goma is near the Rwanda-Congo border].
"But there, you mostly find household appliances, clothing items, but
no foodstuffs.
"Rwandans themselves come shopping [for foodstuffs in Goma].
"The Beni-Goma road is therefore absolutely essential."
(SOURCE: observers.france24.com/fr/content/20120816-taxee-rebelles-m23-nourriture-devient-hors-prix-goma-republique-democratique-congo-rdc-camions-route-nationale)
***
While the M23 are holding Congolese truck drivers to ransom and slowly
choking, their FDLR compadres are cowardly killing specimens of
near-extinct fauna in the Virunga National Park.
Virunga National Park Chief Warden, Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode, gives a
chilling account of the ongoing massacre perpetrated by the FDLR at
the Park in his post of August 21 titled "Caught in the Act."
Dr. de Mérode's post reads (I reformat the post for readability as I
am using a mobile phone):
"As we were driving back from the airfield this afternoon, we overtook
a truck.
"Just as we drove past, a waft of that sadly familiar smell of
bushmeat swept through the window.
"A quick call to Sekibibi, who was on duty at Rumangabo just up the
road, and within seconds he was running down the hill with a section
of rangers.
" Just in time to intercept the truck.
"I left them to it, they knew exactly what to do.
"The truck was searched through, and sure enough, a lady with hippo
meat (we've blurred her face for legal reasons).
"She was from Ishasha on her way to sell the meat at the Goma market,
and the hippo was from Nyakakoma, killed by the FDLR militias.
"Each piece of meat sells for an incredible 30 dollars.
"The whole operation lasted less than an hour.
"Unfortunately, with all the armed militias in the eastern sector of
the park we're going to have to launch many such operations to stop
the killings.
"The trade is incredibly damaging.
"Not only is it destroying the park, it's destroying the fish stocks
on the lake (hippos are the main reason the lake is so productive) and
as a result, destroying people's livelihoods.
"It's also putting money into the hands of the FDLR, and they're using
that money to buy weapons that they use to kill our rangers (we
received a report yesterday that they've bought two PKM machine guns
in Ishasha with the money from the sale of bushmeat).
(SOURCE: gorillacd.org/2012/08/21/caught-in-the-act/)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: gorillacd.org
Tuesday, 21 August 2012
Rise of the Baluba: Lt. Col. John Tshibangu goes AWOL & creates Tribal Militia to install Tshisekedi as Prez
(PHOTO: Lt .Col. John Tshibangu, 44, second-in-command of the FARDC
4th Military Region before desertion)
***
It's fortunate ridicule never kills anyone.
Otherwise, this buffoon, name of John Tshibangu, would be already dead
as we speak.
When he went AWOL with 12 other fellow tribesmen from the ranks of the
FARDC on August 12, John Tshibangu had the rank of lieutenant colonel
and was second-in-command of the 4th FARDC Military Region (both
Kasais), based in Kananga, Occidental Kasai.
But by the time he'd emerge to announce the creation of his Luba
tribal militia in a phone interview with Radio Okapi on Thursday,
August 16, he'd already promoted himself to lieutenant general!
Lt. Col. John Tshibangu thus skipped in a matter of days three FARDC
full military ranks: colonel, major general, and brigadier general.
Wow! At this rate, in just a few months' time, we might have another
"Marshall of Zaire" in our hands.
I'll however continue to address this SOB by his rank of lieutenant
colonel, until such time when the FARDC will confirm him as lieutenant
general, following intense MONUSCO-brokered negotiations with the DRC
government.
There's a rotgut moonshine in the Kasais called "tshitshampa" or "malakahia."
This rotgut is brewed from a mixture of fermented maize and rotten
manioc peels--all mixed with bhang.
And I suspect Lt. Col. John Tshibangu fills with "tshitshampa" one of
the military-issue canteens velcroed to his belt.
For there's no other way to explain his bizarre braggadocio, the wacky
mission statement of his action, and the ever changing name of his
tribal militia.
When he first came out of the woodwork, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu told
Radio Okapi his militia was called "Mouvement pour la revendication de
la vérité des urnes" [Movement for Claiming the Truth of the Ballot
Box].
Two days later, in another phone interview with the radical opposition
news website "Congo Indépendant," he now called his movement, the
"Armée du peuple congolais pour le changement et la démocratie"
[Congolese People's Army for Change and Democracy].
In both cases, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu failed to provide the sexy
acronym by which should also go by his racketeering and murdering
enterprise.
Be that as it may, that's only a question of details.
And it appears that Lt. Col. John Tshibangu doesn't bother with such
trivial things as details and may in fact have never ever heard of the
proverb, The devil is in the detail.
In any event, the main mission of Lt. Col John Tshibangu purports to
be to stop the "balkanization of the country."
The project of Lt. Col. John Tshibangu for the Congo can be unpacked
in a pitch of less than 30-second sound bite:
"The movement I am leading stems from a Congolese initiative one
hundred percent.
"We were hoping that the political personnel would find a political
solution to problems that arose after the much decried presidential
election of November 28, 2011.
"Nothing was done.
"We talked with some friends before making up our mind.
"The Congolese people is asking for change. Last November 28, Etienne
Tshisekedi wa Mulumba was elected President of the Republic.
"Our objective is to install him at the helm of the state."
And blah blah blah...
With this kind of flippancy, you've got to be as loco as the mad
lieutenant colonel himself to even think, as some opposition pols are
suggesting, that Angola is anywhere near this loquacious war-painted
tribal warlord.
What though Lt Col. John Tshibangu is an impenitent blabbermouth, yet
he's got a vast audience of slow-witted pro-Tshisekedi supporters in
the Congolese diaspora who call themselves "combatants."
A group of them has even set up a website dedicated to their tribal hero.
Lt. Col. John Tshibangu denies any link with M23--though one could
still see M23 painted all over the guy.
During Africa's World War, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu deserted the
Congolese army to join the RCD.
Then, when this movement of war profiteers splintered, Lt. Col. John
Tshibangu went with former warlord and current MP Antipas Mbusa
Nyamwisi, who recently vanished from Kinshasa and has since, as rumors
has it, defected to M23.
(Talking of rumors and vanishing MPs, it's being reported this evening
in Kinshasa official media outlets that former warlord and current MP
Roger Lumbala has defected to Kigali on his way from Paris. Lumbala
also happens to be a Luba!)
FARDC intelligence officers who are on the manhunt for Lt. Col. John
Tshibangu insist that the renegade officer was attempting to recruit
young Baluba men in the administrative "groupement" of Bakwa Tshiya,
at Miabi, in the Oriental Kasai Province, when they caught up with
him.
They claim he was planning to march with those recruits to North Kivu
to rejoin his pals of M23.
His activity at Bakwa Tshiya was recklessly unprofessional. Assuming
that as he was on Tshisekedi's turf, he could openly recruit fighters,
he was before long ratted on to military intelligence.
But when the officers stormed the compound where he was holed up, Lt.
Col. John Tshibangu fled on foot into the surrounding bush, leaving
behind his uniforms and his weapons.
The FARDC intelligence operatives then arrested the friend who was
harboring Lt. Col. John Tshibangu as well as other suspects found at
the scene.
This friend of the prattling would-be warlord happens to be a
journalist of Radio-Télé Autonome du Sud-Kasaï at Miabi.
Predictably, the FARDC and the police stormed the TV station where
they ransacked everything.
The journalist rights group "Journaliste en Danger" is denouncing the
"collateral damage" that the TV station represents.
***
(SOURCE Page Address:
www.lecongolais.cd/john-tshibangu-lhomme-qui-veut-chasser-joseph-kabila-du-pouvoir/)
***
(PHOTO CREDITS: Via: lecongolais.cd)
4th Military Region before desertion)
***
It's fortunate ridicule never kills anyone.
Otherwise, this buffoon, name of John Tshibangu, would be already dead
as we speak.
When he went AWOL with 12 other fellow tribesmen from the ranks of the
FARDC on August 12, John Tshibangu had the rank of lieutenant colonel
and was second-in-command of the 4th FARDC Military Region (both
Kasais), based in Kananga, Occidental Kasai.
But by the time he'd emerge to announce the creation of his Luba
tribal militia in a phone interview with Radio Okapi on Thursday,
August 16, he'd already promoted himself to lieutenant general!
Lt. Col. John Tshibangu thus skipped in a matter of days three FARDC
full military ranks: colonel, major general, and brigadier general.
Wow! At this rate, in just a few months' time, we might have another
"Marshall of Zaire" in our hands.
I'll however continue to address this SOB by his rank of lieutenant
colonel, until such time when the FARDC will confirm him as lieutenant
general, following intense MONUSCO-brokered negotiations with the DRC
government.
There's a rotgut moonshine in the Kasais called "tshitshampa" or "malakahia."
This rotgut is brewed from a mixture of fermented maize and rotten
manioc peels--all mixed with bhang.
And I suspect Lt. Col. John Tshibangu fills with "tshitshampa" one of
the military-issue canteens velcroed to his belt.
For there's no other way to explain his bizarre braggadocio, the wacky
mission statement of his action, and the ever changing name of his
tribal militia.
When he first came out of the woodwork, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu told
Radio Okapi his militia was called "Mouvement pour la revendication de
la vérité des urnes" [Movement for Claiming the Truth of the Ballot
Box].
Two days later, in another phone interview with the radical opposition
news website "Congo Indépendant," he now called his movement, the
"Armée du peuple congolais pour le changement et la démocratie"
[Congolese People's Army for Change and Democracy].
In both cases, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu failed to provide the sexy
acronym by which should also go by his racketeering and murdering
enterprise.
Be that as it may, that's only a question of details.
And it appears that Lt. Col. John Tshibangu doesn't bother with such
trivial things as details and may in fact have never ever heard of the
proverb, The devil is in the detail.
In any event, the main mission of Lt. Col John Tshibangu purports to
be to stop the "balkanization of the country."
The project of Lt. Col. John Tshibangu for the Congo can be unpacked
in a pitch of less than 30-second sound bite:
"The movement I am leading stems from a Congolese initiative one
hundred percent.
"We were hoping that the political personnel would find a political
solution to problems that arose after the much decried presidential
election of November 28, 2011.
"Nothing was done.
"We talked with some friends before making up our mind.
"The Congolese people is asking for change. Last November 28, Etienne
Tshisekedi wa Mulumba was elected President of the Republic.
"Our objective is to install him at the helm of the state."
And blah blah blah...
With this kind of flippancy, you've got to be as loco as the mad
lieutenant colonel himself to even think, as some opposition pols are
suggesting, that Angola is anywhere near this loquacious war-painted
tribal warlord.
What though Lt Col. John Tshibangu is an impenitent blabbermouth, yet
he's got a vast audience of slow-witted pro-Tshisekedi supporters in
the Congolese diaspora who call themselves "combatants."
A group of them has even set up a website dedicated to their tribal hero.
Lt. Col. John Tshibangu denies any link with M23--though one could
still see M23 painted all over the guy.
During Africa's World War, Lt. Col. John Tshibangu deserted the
Congolese army to join the RCD.
Then, when this movement of war profiteers splintered, Lt. Col. John
Tshibangu went with former warlord and current MP Antipas Mbusa
Nyamwisi, who recently vanished from Kinshasa and has since, as rumors
has it, defected to M23.
(Talking of rumors and vanishing MPs, it's being reported this evening
in Kinshasa official media outlets that former warlord and current MP
Roger Lumbala has defected to Kigali on his way from Paris. Lumbala
also happens to be a Luba!)
FARDC intelligence officers who are on the manhunt for Lt. Col. John
Tshibangu insist that the renegade officer was attempting to recruit
young Baluba men in the administrative "groupement" of Bakwa Tshiya,
at Miabi, in the Oriental Kasai Province, when they caught up with
him.
They claim he was planning to march with those recruits to North Kivu
to rejoin his pals of M23.
His activity at Bakwa Tshiya was recklessly unprofessional. Assuming
that as he was on Tshisekedi's turf, he could openly recruit fighters,
he was before long ratted on to military intelligence.
But when the officers stormed the compound where he was holed up, Lt.
Col. John Tshibangu fled on foot into the surrounding bush, leaving
behind his uniforms and his weapons.
The FARDC intelligence operatives then arrested the friend who was
harboring Lt. Col. John Tshibangu as well as other suspects found at
the scene.
This friend of the prattling would-be warlord happens to be a
journalist of Radio-Télé Autonome du Sud-Kasaï at Miabi.
Predictably, the FARDC and the police stormed the TV station where
they ransacked everything.
The journalist rights group "Journaliste en Danger" is denouncing the
"collateral damage" that the TV station represents.
***
(SOURCE Page Address:
www.lecongolais.cd/john-tshibangu-lhomme-qui-veut-chasser-joseph-kabila-du-pouvoir/)
***
(PHOTO CREDITS: Via: lecongolais.cd)
Monday, 20 August 2012
Kabila at SADC Maputo Talk Shop where leaders showed contempt for the People
(Prez Kabila mobbed by media upon arrival at Joaquim Chissano
Conference Centre, Maputo, August 17, 2012)
***
The heads of states or their representatives of the 16 member states
of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) held their 32nd
ordinary summit at Maputo, Mozambique, on August 17 and 18.
The regional bloc's summit was hailed for blasting Rwanda's aggression
of DRC; criticized for its slow pace in resolving the ongoing
political crises in Zimbabwe and Madagascar; and bemoaned for barring
access to the SADC Tribunal to citizens and civil society.
The heads of states summit came on the heels of SADC council of ministers.
Talking to the press on August 15, South African Foreign Minister
Maite Nkoane-Mashabane summed up the negative impact of insecurity
(DRC) and democracy crisis (Madagascar & Zim) on SADC countries:
"SADC will never achieve regional development and true integration
without regional stability and democratic governance."
In the summit final communiqué, read on August 18 by SADC Executive
Secretary Tomaz Augusto Salomão, the regional bloc condemned Rwanda
for its support of M23:
"On DRC, Summit noted with great concern that the security situation
in the Eastern part of DRC has deteriorated in the last three (3)
months, causing displacement of people and loss of lives and property.
"Summit also noted that this is being perpetrated by rebel groups with
assistance of Rwanda, and urged the latter to cease immediately its
interference that constitutes a threat to peace
and stability, not only of the DRC, but also of the SADC Region."
But strangely, on this same Congo conflict, SADC also wants its
"secretariat to collaborate with the International Conference of the
Great Lakes Region [ICGLR]Secretariat in pursuit of peace and security
in the Eastern DRC."
I've said it already here. Nothing positive for the DRC would ever
issue from the ICGLR, at the core of which the worst enemies of the
Congolese people--Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda--have built their nest
of vipers.
This kind of dereliction of duty, as it were, risks turning SADC into
an irrelevant forum.
An annual "talk-shop characterised by high-sounding" resolutions
without any concrete takeaways, as Njabulo Ncube of the Zimbabwean
weekly Financial Gazette rightly surmises in an article titled "Maputo
SADC Summit, another talk shop."
What the DRC needs right now is not empty talk, but tons of weapons
and urgent training of battle-ready troops as well as direct military
assistance.
Besides the DRC, the summit also dwelt at length on the Zimbabwean and
Malagasy political crises.
Zim journos report that PM Morgan Tsvangirai was left to left to kick
his heels in the lobby as the heads of states held their first
closed-session meeting.
Tsvangirai was so incensed he left Maputo without saying goodbye.
(Another leader to leave precipitately was President Jacob Zuma in the
wake of the Marikani massacre.)
What's more, SADC failed to resolve once and for all the political
crisis in Madagascar that has been simmering since the 2009 coup
staged by current president Andry Rajoelina.
The SADC proposal of "neither...nor"--that is, neither Rajoelina nor
deposed president Marc Ravalomanana will run for the next presidential
election--is a bitter pill to swallow for both parties.
Backers of Rajoelina are already questioning the impartiality of
Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, elected as Chair of the
influential SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation,
just vacated by President Jacob Zuma.
They claim Kikwete is pro-Ravalomanana. But the latter's supporters
are in turn accusing SADC of being a private club of incumbent heads
of states and, as such, it is, as a body, pro-Rajoelina.
More damning, this charge of "privatization" of the bloc by southern
African presidents is now being echoed by the civil society leaders of
member states.
They charge that the SADC Tribunal has now been put out of reach of
common people by the Maputo Summit.
In other words, SADC citizens can't file lawsuit to bring their
leaders or institutions to account, despite the pressure of the "Save
SADC Tribunal" campaign that Archbishop Desmond Tutu joined.
Paragraph 24 of the Final Communiqué of the Maputo Summit sounds the
death knell of the wishful thinking of "Save SADC Tribunal" campaign
and its supporters of the ilk of Archbishop Tutu by stating that:
"[The] mandate [of the Tribunal] should be confined to interpretation
of the SADC Treaty and Protocols relating to disputes between Member
States."
Reacting to Paragraph 24 of the SADC Final Communiqué, the
Johannesburg-based Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) issued, on
August 20, a press release that quoted its Director, Nicole Fritz, as
saying that:
"The decision to deny the region's inhabitants any access to the
Tribunal is astounding and entirely
without any lawful basis.
[...]
"Civil society groups were worried that SADC leaders would conspire to
weaken the Tribunal but this is far worse than we had feared. SADC has
destroyed it.
"The decision flies in the face of the recommendations of both the
SADC-instituted review of the Tribunal and SADC's own Ministers
of Justice and Attorneys General.
"It is also completely at odds with the best practice of other
regional institutions and undermines the protection of human rights
and hopes for future economic growth and development.
"Our leaders have shown their contempt for all of us in southern
Africa and for the rule of law.
"Not only did they deny the region's citizens access to the Tribunal
but Member States almost
never bring legal cases against each other so the court will be a
complete waste of taxpayers' money."
***
(Page Address of SADC Maputo Summit Final Communiqué:
www.sadc.int/files/7713/4545/0483/Communique_32nd_Summit_of_Heads_of_States.pdf)
***
(Page Addree of SALC PRESS RELEASE:
www.southernafricalawcenter.org/news/item/News_Release_SADC_Leaders_Deal_Fatal_Blow_to_SADC_Tribunal_Shock_Decision_Denies_Citizen_s_Access_to_Court)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: 25.media.tumblr.com & tumifromjoburg.tumblr.com
Conference Centre, Maputo, August 17, 2012)
***
The heads of states or their representatives of the 16 member states
of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) held their 32nd
ordinary summit at Maputo, Mozambique, on August 17 and 18.
The regional bloc's summit was hailed for blasting Rwanda's aggression
of DRC; criticized for its slow pace in resolving the ongoing
political crises in Zimbabwe and Madagascar; and bemoaned for barring
access to the SADC Tribunal to citizens and civil society.
The heads of states summit came on the heels of SADC council of ministers.
Talking to the press on August 15, South African Foreign Minister
Maite Nkoane-Mashabane summed up the negative impact of insecurity
(DRC) and democracy crisis (Madagascar & Zim) on SADC countries:
"SADC will never achieve regional development and true integration
without regional stability and democratic governance."
In the summit final communiqué, read on August 18 by SADC Executive
Secretary Tomaz Augusto Salomão, the regional bloc condemned Rwanda
for its support of M23:
"On DRC, Summit noted with great concern that the security situation
in the Eastern part of DRC has deteriorated in the last three (3)
months, causing displacement of people and loss of lives and property.
"Summit also noted that this is being perpetrated by rebel groups with
assistance of Rwanda, and urged the latter to cease immediately its
interference that constitutes a threat to peace
and stability, not only of the DRC, but also of the SADC Region."
But strangely, on this same Congo conflict, SADC also wants its
"secretariat to collaborate with the International Conference of the
Great Lakes Region [ICGLR]Secretariat in pursuit of peace and security
in the Eastern DRC."
I've said it already here. Nothing positive for the DRC would ever
issue from the ICGLR, at the core of which the worst enemies of the
Congolese people--Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda--have built their nest
of vipers.
This kind of dereliction of duty, as it were, risks turning SADC into
an irrelevant forum.
An annual "talk-shop characterised by high-sounding" resolutions
without any concrete takeaways, as Njabulo Ncube of the Zimbabwean
weekly Financial Gazette rightly surmises in an article titled "Maputo
SADC Summit, another talk shop."
What the DRC needs right now is not empty talk, but tons of weapons
and urgent training of battle-ready troops as well as direct military
assistance.
Besides the DRC, the summit also dwelt at length on the Zimbabwean and
Malagasy political crises.
Zim journos report that PM Morgan Tsvangirai was left to left to kick
his heels in the lobby as the heads of states held their first
closed-session meeting.
Tsvangirai was so incensed he left Maputo without saying goodbye.
(Another leader to leave precipitately was President Jacob Zuma in the
wake of the Marikani massacre.)
What's more, SADC failed to resolve once and for all the political
crisis in Madagascar that has been simmering since the 2009 coup
staged by current president Andry Rajoelina.
The SADC proposal of "neither...nor"--that is, neither Rajoelina nor
deposed president Marc Ravalomanana will run for the next presidential
election--is a bitter pill to swallow for both parties.
Backers of Rajoelina are already questioning the impartiality of
Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, elected as Chair of the
influential SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation,
just vacated by President Jacob Zuma.
They claim Kikwete is pro-Ravalomanana. But the latter's supporters
are in turn accusing SADC of being a private club of incumbent heads
of states and, as such, it is, as a body, pro-Rajoelina.
More damning, this charge of "privatization" of the bloc by southern
African presidents is now being echoed by the civil society leaders of
member states.
They charge that the SADC Tribunal has now been put out of reach of
common people by the Maputo Summit.
In other words, SADC citizens can't file lawsuit to bring their
leaders or institutions to account, despite the pressure of the "Save
SADC Tribunal" campaign that Archbishop Desmond Tutu joined.
Paragraph 24 of the Final Communiqué of the Maputo Summit sounds the
death knell of the wishful thinking of "Save SADC Tribunal" campaign
and its supporters of the ilk of Archbishop Tutu by stating that:
"[The] mandate [of the Tribunal] should be confined to interpretation
of the SADC Treaty and Protocols relating to disputes between Member
States."
Reacting to Paragraph 24 of the SADC Final Communiqué, the
Johannesburg-based Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) issued, on
August 20, a press release that quoted its Director, Nicole Fritz, as
saying that:
"The decision to deny the region's inhabitants any access to the
Tribunal is astounding and entirely
without any lawful basis.
[...]
"Civil society groups were worried that SADC leaders would conspire to
weaken the Tribunal but this is far worse than we had feared. SADC has
destroyed it.
"The decision flies in the face of the recommendations of both the
SADC-instituted review of the Tribunal and SADC's own Ministers
of Justice and Attorneys General.
"It is also completely at odds with the best practice of other
regional institutions and undermines the protection of human rights
and hopes for future economic growth and development.
"Our leaders have shown their contempt for all of us in southern
Africa and for the rule of law.
"Not only did they deny the region's citizens access to the Tribunal
but Member States almost
never bring legal cases against each other so the court will be a
complete waste of taxpayers' money."
***
(Page Address of SADC Maputo Summit Final Communiqué:
www.sadc.int/files/7713/4545/0483/Communique_32nd_Summit_of_Heads_of_States.pdf)
***
(Page Addree of SALC PRESS RELEASE:
www.southernafricalawcenter.org/news/item/News_Release_SADC_Leaders_Deal_Fatal_Blow_to_SADC_Tribunal_Shock_Decision_Denies_Citizen_s_Access_to_Court)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: 25.media.tumblr.com & tumifromjoburg.tumblr.com
Sunday, 19 August 2012
Scenario of blasting the Mullahcracy to smithereens
You may have heard this one already...
This past Wednesday, August 15, American journalist and blogger
Richard Silverstein posted an alleged Israeli draft plan leaked to him
by a former minister.
A plan to blast the mullahcracy of Iran to smithereens, which reads
like stuff from a sci-fi yarn.
I reformat it into shorter paragraphs as I'm writing this on a mobile phone.
THE PLAN:
"The Israeli attack will open with a coordinated strike, including an
unprecedented cyber-attack which will totally paralyze the Iranian
regime and its ability to know what is happening within its borders.
"The internet, telephones, radio and television, communications
satellites, and fiber optic cables leading to and from critical
installations—including underground missile bases at Khorramabad and
Isfahan—will be taken out of action.
"The electrical grid throughout Iran will be paralyzed and transformer
stations will absorb severe damage from carbon fiber munitions which
are finer than a human hair, causing electrical short circuits whose
repair requires their complete removal.
"This would be a Sisyphean task in light of cluster munitions which
would be dropped, some time-delayed and some remote-activated through
the use of a satellite signal.
"A barrage of tens of ballistic missiles would be launched from Israel
toward Iran.
"300km ballistic missiles would be launched from Israeli submarines in
the vicinity of the Persian Gulf.
"The missiles would not be armed with unconventional warheads, but
rather with high-explosive ordnance equipped with reinforced tips
designed specially to penetrate hardened targets.
"The missiles will strike their targets—some exploding above ground
like those striking the
nuclear reactor at Arak–which is intended to produce plutonium and
tritium—and the nearby heavy water production facility; the nuclear
fuel production facilities at Isfahan and facilities for
enriching uranium-hexaflouride.
"Others would explode under-ground, as at the Fordo facility.
"A barrage of hundreds of cruise missiles will pound command and
control systems, research
and development facilities, and the residences of senior personnel in
the nuclear and missile development apparatus.
"Intelligence gathered over years will be utilized to completely
decapitate Iran's professional and command ranks in these fields.
"After the first wave of attacks, which will be timed to the second,
the 'Blue and White' radar
satellite, whose systems enable us to perform an evaluation of the
level of damage done to the
various targets, will pass over Iran.
"Only after rapidly decrypting the satellite's data, will the
information be transferred directly to war planes making their way
covertly toward Iran.
"These IAF planes will be armed with electronic warfare gear
previously unknown to the wider public, not even revealed to our U.S.
ally.
"This equipment will render Israeli aircraft invisible.
"Those Israeli war planes which participate in the attack will damage
a short-list of targets which require further assault.
"Among the targets approved for attack—Shihab 3 and Sejil ballistic
missile silos, storage tanks for
chemical components of rocket fuel, industrial facilities for
producing missile control systems,
centrifuge production plants and more."
Oh my! Did I just hear Senator John McCain hum that Beach Boys song or
am I just imagining this?
(Page Address: www.richardsilverstein.com/tikun_olam/2012/08/15/bibis-secret-war-plan/)
***
Coincidentally, on the same day that Richard Silverstein leaked the
assault plan, President Shimon Peres, a figurehead in a Parliamentary
system like Israel, said in a television interview:
"It's clear to us that we can't do it alone. We can only delay [Iran's
progress]. Thus it's clear to us
that we need to go together with America.
"There are questions of cooperation and of timetables, but as severe
as the danger is, at least this time
we're not alone."
This statement triggered the combined wrath of PM Benjamin "Bibi"
Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barack who're now assaulting Peres
by the proxy of their aides.
According to today's editorial of Haaretz--oddly titled "The president
is not the enemy"-- "Netanyahu [...]was aggrieved by the chutzpah of
President Shimon Peres, who dared to disturb the monopoly that he and
Defense Minister Ehud Barak had secured over the debate about whether
to bomb Iran."
(Page Address: www.haaretz.com/opinion/the-president-is-not-the-enemy-1.459121)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Daniel Bar On/haaretz.com
This past Wednesday, August 15, American journalist and blogger
Richard Silverstein posted an alleged Israeli draft plan leaked to him
by a former minister.
A plan to blast the mullahcracy of Iran to smithereens, which reads
like stuff from a sci-fi yarn.
I reformat it into shorter paragraphs as I'm writing this on a mobile phone.
THE PLAN:
"The Israeli attack will open with a coordinated strike, including an
unprecedented cyber-attack which will totally paralyze the Iranian
regime and its ability to know what is happening within its borders.
"The internet, telephones, radio and television, communications
satellites, and fiber optic cables leading to and from critical
installations—including underground missile bases at Khorramabad and
Isfahan—will be taken out of action.
"The electrical grid throughout Iran will be paralyzed and transformer
stations will absorb severe damage from carbon fiber munitions which
are finer than a human hair, causing electrical short circuits whose
repair requires their complete removal.
"This would be a Sisyphean task in light of cluster munitions which
would be dropped, some time-delayed and some remote-activated through
the use of a satellite signal.
"A barrage of tens of ballistic missiles would be launched from Israel
toward Iran.
"300km ballistic missiles would be launched from Israeli submarines in
the vicinity of the Persian Gulf.
"The missiles would not be armed with unconventional warheads, but
rather with high-explosive ordnance equipped with reinforced tips
designed specially to penetrate hardened targets.
"The missiles will strike their targets—some exploding above ground
like those striking the
nuclear reactor at Arak–which is intended to produce plutonium and
tritium—and the nearby heavy water production facility; the nuclear
fuel production facilities at Isfahan and facilities for
enriching uranium-hexaflouride.
"Others would explode under-ground, as at the Fordo facility.
"A barrage of hundreds of cruise missiles will pound command and
control systems, research
and development facilities, and the residences of senior personnel in
the nuclear and missile development apparatus.
"Intelligence gathered over years will be utilized to completely
decapitate Iran's professional and command ranks in these fields.
"After the first wave of attacks, which will be timed to the second,
the 'Blue and White' radar
satellite, whose systems enable us to perform an evaluation of the
level of damage done to the
various targets, will pass over Iran.
"Only after rapidly decrypting the satellite's data, will the
information be transferred directly to war planes making their way
covertly toward Iran.
"These IAF planes will be armed with electronic warfare gear
previously unknown to the wider public, not even revealed to our U.S.
ally.
"This equipment will render Israeli aircraft invisible.
"Those Israeli war planes which participate in the attack will damage
a short-list of targets which require further assault.
"Among the targets approved for attack—Shihab 3 and Sejil ballistic
missile silos, storage tanks for
chemical components of rocket fuel, industrial facilities for
producing missile control systems,
centrifuge production plants and more."
Oh my! Did I just hear Senator John McCain hum that Beach Boys song or
am I just imagining this?
(Page Address: www.richardsilverstein.com/tikun_olam/2012/08/15/bibis-secret-war-plan/)
***
Coincidentally, on the same day that Richard Silverstein leaked the
assault plan, President Shimon Peres, a figurehead in a Parliamentary
system like Israel, said in a television interview:
"It's clear to us that we can't do it alone. We can only delay [Iran's
progress]. Thus it's clear to us
that we need to go together with America.
"There are questions of cooperation and of timetables, but as severe
as the danger is, at least this time
we're not alone."
This statement triggered the combined wrath of PM Benjamin "Bibi"
Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barack who're now assaulting Peres
by the proxy of their aides.
According to today's editorial of Haaretz--oddly titled "The president
is not the enemy"-- "Netanyahu [...]was aggrieved by the chutzpah of
President Shimon Peres, who dared to disturb the monopoly that he and
Defense Minister Ehud Barak had secured over the debate about whether
to bomb Iran."
(Page Address: www.haaretz.com/opinion/the-president-is-not-the-enemy-1.459121)
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Daniel Bar On/haaretz.com
Saturday, 18 August 2012
Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode's Lay of the Land & Brief History of Violence at Virunga National Park
(PHOTO: General Kakule Sikula aka Lafontaine whose Mai-Mai militia
PARECO occupies the western shore of Lake Edward. HE IS A MURDERER OF
PARK RANGERS.)
***
(Page Address of Dr. de Mérode's MAP detailing current positions of
various militia outfits occupying the Park:
gorillacd.org/files/2012/08/militias2.jpg)
***
In an authoritative post titled "Militia Groups" published today,
Virunga National Park Chief Warden Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode brilliantly
achieved the following 3 goals:
1) To give a theory of the rise of militia activity and insurgency in
eastern DRC, where the state's "monopoly of violence [has been]
replaced by zones of unsettled sovereignties and loyalties" (see
Thomas Bloom Hansen & Finn Stepputat, eds., Sovereign Bodies):
"Armed militias have two unique opportunities: the fragility of state
security, coupled with the illegal access natural resources.
"This makes the park and its surroundings fertile ground for an
intricate mosaic of armed militias" [more below];
2) To give his rationale for : a) his fierce armed resistance against
the FDLR, which occupies the "southern half" of the Park, and b)the
Rangers' "pacific coexistence" with M23:
"They [FDLR terrorists] are our biggest problem. They have killed 11
of our rangers since January last year, and are responsible for some
of the worst attrocities in the region"; and, more importantly,
3) To give the lay of the ground at the Park--complete with a tactical
map of sorts--as well as a brief history of violence at and around the
Virunga National Park.
I was particularly astonished to discover that there is no longer just
one single FDLR group but a few FDLR splinter groups--of which at
least 3 operate in the Park (see below).
***
EXCERPT FROM DR. DE MERODE'S POST:
"For a long time, we considered the park to be affected by three main
illegal armed groups.
"The FDLR (Rwandan) in the South, the Mai Mai (Congolese) in the
centre and the ADF/Nalu
(Ugandan) in the north.
"In recent months, things have become a little more complicated with
the arrival of the M23 [...]
"They're all a threat to population and represent the greatest of
concerns for the park authorities.
"In the South, the M23 are a new arrival, though based on a presence
that was always here.
"The movement was born of the CNDP which used to be under the
leadership of the rebel General
Laurent Nkunda, currently under house arrest in Rwanda.
"It came into being in April when former members of the CNDP mutinied
under the pretext that the March 23, 2009 agreements that ended the
CNDP war of 2007 and 2008 were not respected.
"Although they are a rebellion against the government, there is an
understanding on all sides that the park needs to be protected and
that the park's rangers must continue their work in the areas that are
controlled by the M23.
"This is fairly unique, partly as a result Virunga's status as a World
Heritage Site, [thus] offering legitimacy to our claim of being
neutral in the current conflict, [and] partly because the park is
gradually being rebuilt as a government institution genuinely trying
to fulfill its role.
"The southern half of the park is home to several FDLR groups.
"They have a long history in the region dating back to Rwandan
Genocide in 1994, and are an assimilation of the Interahamwe, brutal
irregulars responsible for the worst crimes during the genocide, and
of the pre-genocide Rwandan regular army as well as a collection of
opportunists including some Congolese nationals.
"The group continues to commit war crimes, including murder, torture,
rape, persecution and the recruitment of child soldiers, and has
gained significant prominence in recent months as a result of the
instability caused by the M23 war.
"[...]
"Of these [FDLR splinter groups], the FDLR SOKI are our biggest
concern, as they now control the east of the park and have completely
encircled Lulimbi, where a unit of our rangers are trying to maintain
their presence.
"The government army and the UN peacekeepers have fled this area and
the FDLR have taken over.
"The FDLR Soki have attacked us in the past, such in June last year,
when they ambushed one of our
vehicles and captured, killed and decapitated one of our rangers,
Asani Sebuyoli, near Ishasha.
"They've attacked us twice in the past two weeks.
"Two of our rangers were wounded, and four of theirs were killed
during these attacks.
[Dr. de Mérode may be referring to the FDLR dawn attack of July 20 at
Nyakakoma. 12 FARDC troops backed 14 park rangers in repulsing the
assailants.
[One FARDC soldier was killed and the "commanding officer wounded in
the foot" during the engagement.
[At the time, Dr. de Mérode gave the death toll of 3 among the FDLR
assailants. See my post of July 22 and Dr. de Mérode's post of July
21.]
"Other FDLR groups live and operate in the park.
"A strange group is the FDLR Mandevu who operate just north of Goma,
living off the illegal
charcoal from the park.
"These are perhaps best defined as 'rebels without a cause,' other
than looting and pillaging, that is.
"They were probably responsible for the killing of two of our rangers
in September last year.
"They tend to switch sides very quickly, based on the financial
opportunities available to them.
"The Mai Mai are a mixed group that fight amongst themselves as much
as they fight with the
government forces.
"The movement has its origins in the 1960s, but only really came
together after the beginning of the second Congolese Civil War in
1998.
"The main group that affects us are called the Mai Mai Pareco and come
under the command of "General" Sikuli Lafontaine.
"Rangers Safari and Magayani were killed by this group in January 2009
and September 2011.
"The ADF/Nalu are a strange Ugandan islamic group that have been
living in the savannas north
of Lake Edward and in the rainforests of the lower Semliki river for
several decades.
"They are reportedly highly structured and organised and potentially
very dangerous, but tend to avoid confrontations with the Congolese
authorities.
"They are the only armed group that tends to buy its supplies from the
local population rather to
loot them.
"That said, there was a violent incident in 2005 when two of our
rangers were abducted by the ADF/Nalu and were never seen again.
"They have had several run-ins with the army, some of them with deadly
consequences.
"There are a number of other smaller groups such as the ex-RCD-K/ML,
who are a remnant from the
1998-2003 civil war, and who attacked Kasindi in the northern sector
of the park three weeks ago,
killing 2 soldiers, but not that much is known about them.
[The RCD-K/ML was once led by controversial MP Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi,
who has since pulled a disappearing act in Kinshasa.]
"Other smaller militia groups come and go when the opportunities arise.
"Sadly, the failure to re-establish the rule of law by the Government,
despite UN support, the chronic
youth unemployment and the widespread availability of weapons, all
contribute to making armed groups an attractive option for young men
in eastern congo.
"That's it. For now."
***
SOURCE: Page Address: gorillacd.org/2012/08/18/militia-groups/
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: urubyiruko.wordpress.com
PARECO occupies the western shore of Lake Edward. HE IS A MURDERER OF
PARK RANGERS.)
***
(Page Address of Dr. de Mérode's MAP detailing current positions of
various militia outfits occupying the Park:
gorillacd.org/files/2012/08/militias2.jpg)
***
In an authoritative post titled "Militia Groups" published today,
Virunga National Park Chief Warden Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode brilliantly
achieved the following 3 goals:
1) To give a theory of the rise of militia activity and insurgency in
eastern DRC, where the state's "monopoly of violence [has been]
replaced by zones of unsettled sovereignties and loyalties" (see
Thomas Bloom Hansen & Finn Stepputat, eds., Sovereign Bodies):
"Armed militias have two unique opportunities: the fragility of state
security, coupled with the illegal access natural resources.
"This makes the park and its surroundings fertile ground for an
intricate mosaic of armed militias" [more below];
2) To give his rationale for : a) his fierce armed resistance against
the FDLR, which occupies the "southern half" of the Park, and b)the
Rangers' "pacific coexistence" with M23:
"They [FDLR terrorists] are our biggest problem. They have killed 11
of our rangers since January last year, and are responsible for some
of the worst attrocities in the region"; and, more importantly,
3) To give the lay of the ground at the Park--complete with a tactical
map of sorts--as well as a brief history of violence at and around the
Virunga National Park.
I was particularly astonished to discover that there is no longer just
one single FDLR group but a few FDLR splinter groups--of which at
least 3 operate in the Park (see below).
***
EXCERPT FROM DR. DE MERODE'S POST:
"For a long time, we considered the park to be affected by three main
illegal armed groups.
"The FDLR (Rwandan) in the South, the Mai Mai (Congolese) in the
centre and the ADF/Nalu
(Ugandan) in the north.
"In recent months, things have become a little more complicated with
the arrival of the M23 [...]
"They're all a threat to population and represent the greatest of
concerns for the park authorities.
"In the South, the M23 are a new arrival, though based on a presence
that was always here.
"The movement was born of the CNDP which used to be under the
leadership of the rebel General
Laurent Nkunda, currently under house arrest in Rwanda.
"It came into being in April when former members of the CNDP mutinied
under the pretext that the March 23, 2009 agreements that ended the
CNDP war of 2007 and 2008 were not respected.
"Although they are a rebellion against the government, there is an
understanding on all sides that the park needs to be protected and
that the park's rangers must continue their work in the areas that are
controlled by the M23.
"This is fairly unique, partly as a result Virunga's status as a World
Heritage Site, [thus] offering legitimacy to our claim of being
neutral in the current conflict, [and] partly because the park is
gradually being rebuilt as a government institution genuinely trying
to fulfill its role.
"The southern half of the park is home to several FDLR groups.
"They have a long history in the region dating back to Rwandan
Genocide in 1994, and are an assimilation of the Interahamwe, brutal
irregulars responsible for the worst crimes during the genocide, and
of the pre-genocide Rwandan regular army as well as a collection of
opportunists including some Congolese nationals.
"The group continues to commit war crimes, including murder, torture,
rape, persecution and the recruitment of child soldiers, and has
gained significant prominence in recent months as a result of the
instability caused by the M23 war.
"[...]
"Of these [FDLR splinter groups], the FDLR SOKI are our biggest
concern, as they now control the east of the park and have completely
encircled Lulimbi, where a unit of our rangers are trying to maintain
their presence.
"The government army and the UN peacekeepers have fled this area and
the FDLR have taken over.
"The FDLR Soki have attacked us in the past, such in June last year,
when they ambushed one of our
vehicles and captured, killed and decapitated one of our rangers,
Asani Sebuyoli, near Ishasha.
"They've attacked us twice in the past two weeks.
"Two of our rangers were wounded, and four of theirs were killed
during these attacks.
[Dr. de Mérode may be referring to the FDLR dawn attack of July 20 at
Nyakakoma. 12 FARDC troops backed 14 park rangers in repulsing the
assailants.
[One FARDC soldier was killed and the "commanding officer wounded in
the foot" during the engagement.
[At the time, Dr. de Mérode gave the death toll of 3 among the FDLR
assailants. See my post of July 22 and Dr. de Mérode's post of July
21.]
"Other FDLR groups live and operate in the park.
"A strange group is the FDLR Mandevu who operate just north of Goma,
living off the illegal
charcoal from the park.
"These are perhaps best defined as 'rebels without a cause,' other
than looting and pillaging, that is.
"They were probably responsible for the killing of two of our rangers
in September last year.
"They tend to switch sides very quickly, based on the financial
opportunities available to them.
"The Mai Mai are a mixed group that fight amongst themselves as much
as they fight with the
government forces.
"The movement has its origins in the 1960s, but only really came
together after the beginning of the second Congolese Civil War in
1998.
"The main group that affects us are called the Mai Mai Pareco and come
under the command of "General" Sikuli Lafontaine.
"Rangers Safari and Magayani were killed by this group in January 2009
and September 2011.
"The ADF/Nalu are a strange Ugandan islamic group that have been
living in the savannas north
of Lake Edward and in the rainforests of the lower Semliki river for
several decades.
"They are reportedly highly structured and organised and potentially
very dangerous, but tend to avoid confrontations with the Congolese
authorities.
"They are the only armed group that tends to buy its supplies from the
local population rather to
loot them.
"That said, there was a violent incident in 2005 when two of our
rangers were abducted by the ADF/Nalu and were never seen again.
"They have had several run-ins with the army, some of them with deadly
consequences.
"There are a number of other smaller groups such as the ex-RCD-K/ML,
who are a remnant from the
1998-2003 civil war, and who attacked Kasindi in the northern sector
of the park three weeks ago,
killing 2 soldiers, but not that much is known about them.
[The RCD-K/ML was once led by controversial MP Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi,
who has since pulled a disappearing act in Kinshasa.]
"Other smaller militia groups come and go when the opportunities arise.
"Sadly, the failure to re-establish the rule of law by the Government,
despite UN support, the chronic
youth unemployment and the widespread availability of weapons, all
contribute to making armed groups an attractive option for young men
in eastern congo.
"That's it. For now."
***
SOURCE: Page Address: gorillacd.org/2012/08/18/militia-groups/
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: urubyiruko.wordpress.com
Friday, 17 August 2012
ICGLR "Neutral Force": A Masquerade in Progress
(PHOTO: Alexandre Luba Ntambo, DRC Deputy Premier in charge of Defense)
***
The subcommittee of Defense Ministers set up at the August 7-8 Kampala
Summit of the heads of state of the International Conference on the
Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) finally convened in Goma, the provincial
capital of North Kivu.
And on Thursday, August 16, according to DRC Defense Minister
Alexandre Luba Ntambo, the subcommittee retained the following main
recommendations to be submitted by August 28 to President Yoweri
Museveni, the current ICGLR chair:
1) Troops from Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda won't be part of the
"neutral force";
2) Troops making up this force would come from the Great Lakes region
and Africa;
3) The "neutral force" will be 4,000-strong. Another sub-subcommittee
will determine the "structrure" of this force;
4) The "neutral force" will be based at 4 "deployment zones": Beni,
Ruwenzori (an administrative sector near Beni, I'd assume), Walikale and Masisi;
5) The Defense Ministers urge M23 to cease all military activity and
to return to their "initial position" at Runyonyi in North Kivu.
To get the gist of the masquerade in progress that this plan
represents, you've got to have the map of North Kivu in front of you.
On this map, you'd notice that the deployment zone is a rough
isosceles triangle with the two base tips being Walikale (west) and
Masisi (east)--respectively at about 160 and more than 80 kms of Goma.
(The distances are my own estimates based on the scales of the maps I'm using.)
Both of these towns are therefore at about the same distance from the
border with Rwanda.
The northernmost tip of this triangle is Beni, about 60 km of Kasindi,
at the border with Uganda. Beni is at more than 200 km of Masisi.
(Again, these distances are my own estimates.)
Walikale and Masisi are areas infested by Mai-Mai militias and the
FDLR, but still under FARDC control. The same configuration prevails
in Beni.
As the DRC doesn't participate in the "neutral force," I wonder what
would be the synergy (if any) between the latter, on the one hand, and
the FARDC and local civil authorities on the other hand.
Add to this mosaic the MONUSCO, which is very present in the area, and
you obtain a volatile mix without some form of integration or
coordination in the field.
Furthermore, as this "neutral force" won't be operating in a
no-man's-land but on Congolese territory, it's only logical to expect
it to have some kind of collaboration with Congolese civil authorities
on the ground.
Otherwise, this whole thing wouldn't make any sense.
And then again it wasn't meant to make sense anyway. It's a
masquerade on a vast scale.
The attitude of the Defense Ministers vis-à-vis the M23 is bizarre.
They aren't telling the M23 to lay down their weapons or else. They
are urging M23 insurgents to return to their "initial position" as if
they were stakeholders of sorts.
Isn't the "neutral force" a foe to M23?
And, let's entertain for a moment the unlikely scenario that M23
would lose their marbles and heed this call to withdraw to their
initial position, what would then happen afterward?
Would the "neutral force" then move in to pacify the area as the M23
insurgents look on with arms folded like lambs to the slaughter?
By the way, this initial position happens to be on the Rwandan border
where this "neutral force" was supposed to be deployed in the first
place and where I don't see it moving to any time soon.
I won't even discuss the fact that Rwanda has still to come clean as
regards its support to M23; that the funding of this whole operation
is still in the air; and that the contribution in troops by African
countries is quite improbable.
The DRC shouldn't have been involved in this masquerade from the get go.
The Congolese government needs to focus on building a dissuasive army
instead of wasting time in those unending meetings.
(By the way, while Rwanda continues to arm itself unfettered, a
crippling arms embargo shackles the DRC.)
As I already said in a previous post, this is no plan for peace; it's
a plan to buy time for Rwanda.
And some leaders in this ICGLR outfit look more and more to me like a
ruthless gang of double-crossers and war profiteers.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: John Bompengo/radiookapi.net
***
The subcommittee of Defense Ministers set up at the August 7-8 Kampala
Summit of the heads of state of the International Conference on the
Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) finally convened in Goma, the provincial
capital of North Kivu.
And on Thursday, August 16, according to DRC Defense Minister
Alexandre Luba Ntambo, the subcommittee retained the following main
recommendations to be submitted by August 28 to President Yoweri
Museveni, the current ICGLR chair:
1) Troops from Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda won't be part of the
"neutral force";
2) Troops making up this force would come from the Great Lakes region
and Africa;
3) The "neutral force" will be 4,000-strong. Another sub-subcommittee
will determine the "structrure" of this force;
4) The "neutral force" will be based at 4 "deployment zones": Beni,
Ruwenzori (an administrative sector near Beni, I'd assume), Walikale and Masisi;
5) The Defense Ministers urge M23 to cease all military activity and
to return to their "initial position" at Runyonyi in North Kivu.
To get the gist of the masquerade in progress that this plan
represents, you've got to have the map of North Kivu in front of you.
On this map, you'd notice that the deployment zone is a rough
isosceles triangle with the two base tips being Walikale (west) and
Masisi (east)--respectively at about 160 and more than 80 kms of Goma.
(The distances are my own estimates based on the scales of the maps I'm using.)
Both of these towns are therefore at about the same distance from the
border with Rwanda.
The northernmost tip of this triangle is Beni, about 60 km of Kasindi,
at the border with Uganda. Beni is at more than 200 km of Masisi.
(Again, these distances are my own estimates.)
Walikale and Masisi are areas infested by Mai-Mai militias and the
FDLR, but still under FARDC control. The same configuration prevails
in Beni.
As the DRC doesn't participate in the "neutral force," I wonder what
would be the synergy (if any) between the latter, on the one hand, and
the FARDC and local civil authorities on the other hand.
Add to this mosaic the MONUSCO, which is very present in the area, and
you obtain a volatile mix without some form of integration or
coordination in the field.
Furthermore, as this "neutral force" won't be operating in a
no-man's-land but on Congolese territory, it's only logical to expect
it to have some kind of collaboration with Congolese civil authorities
on the ground.
Otherwise, this whole thing wouldn't make any sense.
And then again it wasn't meant to make sense anyway. It's a
masquerade on a vast scale.
The attitude of the Defense Ministers vis-à-vis the M23 is bizarre.
They aren't telling the M23 to lay down their weapons or else. They
are urging M23 insurgents to return to their "initial position" as if
they were stakeholders of sorts.
Isn't the "neutral force" a foe to M23?
And, let's entertain for a moment the unlikely scenario that M23
would lose their marbles and heed this call to withdraw to their
initial position, what would then happen afterward?
Would the "neutral force" then move in to pacify the area as the M23
insurgents look on with arms folded like lambs to the slaughter?
By the way, this initial position happens to be on the Rwandan border
where this "neutral force" was supposed to be deployed in the first
place and where I don't see it moving to any time soon.
I won't even discuss the fact that Rwanda has still to come clean as
regards its support to M23; that the funding of this whole operation
is still in the air; and that the contribution in troops by African
countries is quite improbable.
The DRC shouldn't have been involved in this masquerade from the get go.
The Congolese government needs to focus on building a dissuasive army
instead of wasting time in those unending meetings.
(By the way, while Rwanda continues to arm itself unfettered, a
crippling arms embargo shackles the DRC.)
As I already said in a previous post, this is no plan for peace; it's
a plan to buy time for Rwanda.
And some leaders in this ICGLR outfit look more and more to me like a
ruthless gang of double-crossers and war profiteers.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: John Bompengo/radiookapi.net
Thursday, 16 August 2012
World Sexiest Prez to David Cameron: Shove it, mate!
(PHOTO: Ecuadorian Prez Rafael Correa, a third world hero)
***
Were the Brits kidding by threatening to storm the Ecuadorian embassy
after Ecuador granted asylum to Julian Assange or were they just
kidding?
It seems that they were dead serious and they even claim to be still
keeping that option on the table, though The Guardian thinks they've
backtracked.
On Wednesday, the British government issued the following
"unprecedented" threat to the Ecuadorian Embassy in London:
"You need to be aware that there is a legal base in the UK, the
Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act 1987, that would allow us to take
actions in order to arrest Mr Assange in the current premises of the
embassy. We sincerely hope that we do not reach that point, but if you
are not capable of resolving this matter of Mr Assange's presence in
your premises, this is an open option for us."
Nice!
Had China followed this line of reasoning, the blind activist lawyer
Chen Guangcheng would be rotting today in a Chinese prison.
Talking of China, this kind of threat will never be directed at a
Chinese embassy. Only to the embassy of a tiny third world country
like Ecuador.
What's more, the 1987 act the British government is referring to only
pertains to extreme cases.
Extreme cases like the shootout at the London Libyan embassy on April
17, 1984, or the attempted kidnapping in London of Umaru Diko on July
5 by the Nigerian government agents who drugged him and put him in a
diplomatic bag!
By the way, it was both of these extreme acts of banditry in the
premises of embassies that led to the enactement of the Diplomatic and
Consular Premises Act of 1987.
At any rate, Rafael Correa was unfazed by the diplomatically unbecoming insult.
Correa went ahead and granted Assange political asylum, basically
telling David Cameron: Shove it, mate!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: borev.net
***
Were the Brits kidding by threatening to storm the Ecuadorian embassy
after Ecuador granted asylum to Julian Assange or were they just
kidding?
It seems that they were dead serious and they even claim to be still
keeping that option on the table, though The Guardian thinks they've
backtracked.
On Wednesday, the British government issued the following
"unprecedented" threat to the Ecuadorian Embassy in London:
"You need to be aware that there is a legal base in the UK, the
Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act 1987, that would allow us to take
actions in order to arrest Mr Assange in the current premises of the
embassy. We sincerely hope that we do not reach that point, but if you
are not capable of resolving this matter of Mr Assange's presence in
your premises, this is an open option for us."
Nice!
Had China followed this line of reasoning, the blind activist lawyer
Chen Guangcheng would be rotting today in a Chinese prison.
Talking of China, this kind of threat will never be directed at a
Chinese embassy. Only to the embassy of a tiny third world country
like Ecuador.
What's more, the 1987 act the British government is referring to only
pertains to extreme cases.
Extreme cases like the shootout at the London Libyan embassy on April
17, 1984, or the attempted kidnapping in London of Umaru Diko on July
5 by the Nigerian government agents who drugged him and put him in a
diplomatic bag!
By the way, it was both of these extreme acts of banditry in the
premises of embassies that led to the enactement of the Diplomatic and
Consular Premises Act of 1987.
At any rate, Rafael Correa was unfazed by the diplomatically unbecoming insult.
Correa went ahead and granted Assange political asylum, basically
telling David Cameron: Shove it, mate!
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: borev.net
Tactics Analysis: Virunga National Park Rangers as unwitting allies of M23 insurgents
(PHOTO: Ranger Luc "watches the savannah from a Lulimbi
watchtower" close to the eastern shore of Lake Edward)
***
On their list of shifting demands to justify their insurgency, the M23
have now found a new fake one: the military and logistical support the
DRC is providing to the FDLR, the Rwandan terrorist outfit.
The M23's newly found pretext comes amid fresh reports alleging that
for over a week now, Rwanda has been intensifying its support to the
insurgents as Ugandan troops have entered into the Congo through the
Bunagana border crossing post.
This new intelligence was revealed by Ernest Kyaviro--spokesperson of
Julien Paluku, North Kivu Province governor--in an interview with
Radio Okapi this Thursday, August 16.
Rwandan reinforcement consists in hundreds of Motorola radio sets and
brand new 4-wheel drive trucks at the border area around
Rutshuru-centre as well as on the hills of Mbuzi, Runyonyi and
Ntamugenga in the district of Bweza.
On the other hand, independent sources on the ground told Radio Okapi
that Ugandan troops have been seen entering DRC territory through the
border crossing post of Bunagana, also under M23 occupation.
(see Page Address:
radiookapi.net/actualite/2012/08/16/nord-kivu-le-gouvernorat-accuse-le-rwanda-louganda-de-renforcer-le-m23-rutshuru/)
And this week, MONUSCO has once more denounced the recruitment of
child soldiers by M23.
***
While this new development in the ongoing war is unfolding, a
disburting tactical pattern is also emerging on the ground,
particularly in the area of the Virunga National Park.
The pattern is one of two abutting peaceful neighboring micro-states
set up by the FDLR (slightly northwest of the Ugandan border) and by
the M23 right south of the territory controlled by the FDLR, by the
Rwandan border.
And strangely, this proximity hasn't so far resulted in direct armed
clashes between the M23 and the FDLR.
In point of fact, these two outfits seemingly respect each other's
turfs, where they've set up rogue civil administrations to collect
taxes on residents and businesses as well as tolls on trucks.
This shocking promiscuity is, as I just said, all the more evident at
Virunga National Park.
There, Chief Warden Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode's rangers are hanging by
the skin of their teeth to a small patch of territory around Lulimbi
on the eastern shore of Lake Edward while all the surrounding area is
under the firm control of the FDLR.
The western and southern sides of the Park are under the control of the M23.
In fact, Dr. de Mérode and his rangers live in M23-controlled
territory (including the park's HQ at Rumangabo) where, thus far, he
and his rangers have seemingly thus far been fortunately left to their
own devices.
Note that I've just used the adverb "seemingly" two times above--for
the following obvious reasons:
1) The pacific coexistence between the M23 and FDLR micro-states is
only apparent; and
2) More importantly, if Dr. de Mérode and his rangers are free to roam
the Park fully armed and if they haven't so far been disarmed by the
M23, this is simply because, unbeknownst to them, they've been playing
all along a critical part in the tactics of M23.
Rwandan battlefield managers embedded within M23 have developped a
brilliant, successful, cost-effective and cunningly insidious tactical
"scheme."
This "scheme" is to outsource the defense of the buffer zone between
M23 and the FDLR to the Rangers of the Virunga National Park.
This allows the M23 to focus, unfettered, on one of their main stated
objectives: the capture by attrition of the provincial capital of
Goma.
Small wonder then that the M23 invested such an inordinate amount of
resources in capturing Rumangabo, where they've shifted a number of
their troops and supplies.
Again, let me stress the fact that Dr. de Mérode and his rangers are
by no means privy to or willing participants in this tactical scheme.
But the fact remains that by going after the FDLR, the Park rangers
turn, in so doing, into objective allies of M23.
For, in an ideal warfare situation, 3 scenarios would have already
played out at the Park:
1) The Rangers would fight both M23 and the FDLR;
2) The M23, which claim to be after the FDLR, would have already
launched coordinated attacks alongside the Park rangers against the
Rwandan terrorist group; or
3) The Rangers would have withdrawn altogether from the Park to let
these two so-called belligerents come to direct
confrontation--unfortunately, with devastating consequences to
wildlife.
After all, isn't the FDLR one of the main targets of M23?
But as the situation stands right now, there's no other way to
describe it in tactical terms: as I said above, unwittingly, the Park
rangers are a godsend for the M23.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: gorillacd.org
watchtower" close to the eastern shore of Lake Edward)
***
On their list of shifting demands to justify their insurgency, the M23
have now found a new fake one: the military and logistical support the
DRC is providing to the FDLR, the Rwandan terrorist outfit.
The M23's newly found pretext comes amid fresh reports alleging that
for over a week now, Rwanda has been intensifying its support to the
insurgents as Ugandan troops have entered into the Congo through the
Bunagana border crossing post.
This new intelligence was revealed by Ernest Kyaviro--spokesperson of
Julien Paluku, North Kivu Province governor--in an interview with
Radio Okapi this Thursday, August 16.
Rwandan reinforcement consists in hundreds of Motorola radio sets and
brand new 4-wheel drive trucks at the border area around
Rutshuru-centre as well as on the hills of Mbuzi, Runyonyi and
Ntamugenga in the district of Bweza.
On the other hand, independent sources on the ground told Radio Okapi
that Ugandan troops have been seen entering DRC territory through the
border crossing post of Bunagana, also under M23 occupation.
(see Page Address:
radiookapi.net/actualite/2012/08/16/nord-kivu-le-gouvernorat-accuse-le-rwanda-louganda-de-renforcer-le-m23-rutshuru/)
And this week, MONUSCO has once more denounced the recruitment of
child soldiers by M23.
***
While this new development in the ongoing war is unfolding, a
disburting tactical pattern is also emerging on the ground,
particularly in the area of the Virunga National Park.
The pattern is one of two abutting peaceful neighboring micro-states
set up by the FDLR (slightly northwest of the Ugandan border) and by
the M23 right south of the territory controlled by the FDLR, by the
Rwandan border.
And strangely, this proximity hasn't so far resulted in direct armed
clashes between the M23 and the FDLR.
In point of fact, these two outfits seemingly respect each other's
turfs, where they've set up rogue civil administrations to collect
taxes on residents and businesses as well as tolls on trucks.
This shocking promiscuity is, as I just said, all the more evident at
Virunga National Park.
There, Chief Warden Dr. Emmanuel de Mérode's rangers are hanging by
the skin of their teeth to a small patch of territory around Lulimbi
on the eastern shore of Lake Edward while all the surrounding area is
under the firm control of the FDLR.
The western and southern sides of the Park are under the control of the M23.
In fact, Dr. de Mérode and his rangers live in M23-controlled
territory (including the park's HQ at Rumangabo) where, thus far, he
and his rangers have seemingly thus far been fortunately left to their
own devices.
Note that I've just used the adverb "seemingly" two times above--for
the following obvious reasons:
1) The pacific coexistence between the M23 and FDLR micro-states is
only apparent; and
2) More importantly, if Dr. de Mérode and his rangers are free to roam
the Park fully armed and if they haven't so far been disarmed by the
M23, this is simply because, unbeknownst to them, they've been playing
all along a critical part in the tactics of M23.
Rwandan battlefield managers embedded within M23 have developped a
brilliant, successful, cost-effective and cunningly insidious tactical
"scheme."
This "scheme" is to outsource the defense of the buffer zone between
M23 and the FDLR to the Rangers of the Virunga National Park.
This allows the M23 to focus, unfettered, on one of their main stated
objectives: the capture by attrition of the provincial capital of
Goma.
Small wonder then that the M23 invested such an inordinate amount of
resources in capturing Rumangabo, where they've shifted a number of
their troops and supplies.
Again, let me stress the fact that Dr. de Mérode and his rangers are
by no means privy to or willing participants in this tactical scheme.
But the fact remains that by going after the FDLR, the Park rangers
turn, in so doing, into objective allies of M23.
For, in an ideal warfare situation, 3 scenarios would have already
played out at the Park:
1) The Rangers would fight both M23 and the FDLR;
2) The M23, which claim to be after the FDLR, would have already
launched coordinated attacks alongside the Park rangers against the
Rwandan terrorist group; or
3) The Rangers would have withdrawn altogether from the Park to let
these two so-called belligerents come to direct
confrontation--unfortunately, with devastating consequences to
wildlife.
After all, isn't the FDLR one of the main targets of M23?
But as the situation stands right now, there's no other way to
describe it in tactical terms: as I said above, unwittingly, the Park
rangers are a godsend for the M23.
***
PHOTO CREDITS: gorillacd.org
Saturday, 11 August 2012
US War Crimes Chief Stephen Rapp in Kinshasa: Rwanda support to M23 undermines stability in the region
(PHOTO: Ambassador Stephen J. Rapp)
***
Stephen J. Rapp, United States Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes
Issues in the Office of Global Criminal Justice, is visiting the
African Great Lakes region, visited Kinshasa this week.
According to the State Department, "Ambassador Rapp is on foreign
travel to Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, where he will
participate in official meetings on global criminal
justice issues."
Rapp was recently apparently misquoted in a report by The Guardian
that claimed he was threatening the indictment of top Rwandan leaders
by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes committed in
the DRC by the Rwandan-backed M23 insurgents.
On Thursday, August 9, Rapp held a press briefing at Kinshasa American
Cultural Center.
On Friday, August 10, he flew to eastern Congo, before heading to
Kigali for talks with Rwandan authorities, according to news reports.
At his press briefing, Rapp made the following statement (my
translation from the French):
" We are very concerned, and we continue to monitor the deteriorating
security and humanitarian situation in eastern Congo, as well as the
increase, noted by various international and Congolese humanitarian
organizations, of cases of gender-based violence, abduction and forced
recruitment of children by some armed groups.
"We firmly condemn such acts of violence.
"The United States government will do everything possible to help the
government of the DRC bring to justice those responsible of such acts,
so as to have the rule of law prevail, and to ensure that they are
promptly held to account for their acts.
"The UN Security Council and the High Commissioner on Human Rights
Navi Pillay have recently cited five senior officers who have in the
past participated in atrocities against civilians and who should be
brought to justice: Bosco Ntaganda, Sultani Makenga,
Baudouin Ngaruye, Innocent Zimurinda and Innocent Kaina.
"The increasing unrest in eastern DRC is the direct consequence of the
mutiny issued from the Congolese armed forces and triggered by the
armed group called 'M23.'
"That has forced the Congolese armed forces and the UN peacekeeping
force to redirect resources slated for other regions that are prey to
insecurity.
"We support efforts by the DRC to put an end to the M23 mutiny and to
bring to justice Bosco Ntaganda, who is under an arrest warrant of the
International Criminal Court, as well as any other alleged author of
human rights violations among the leaders of the mutiny, who,
according to various reports, are allegedly recruiting child soldiers.
"The United States is very concerned by the support of Rwanda to M23.
"We have asked Rwanda to stop and to prevent such support from its
territory, to the extent that that support has undermined stability in
the region.
"Violence must stop and a long-term peaceful solution needs to be
found, which respects the sovereignty of the Congolese state and which
allows the DRC government to fully control its territory and its
security forces."
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: international.ucla.edu
***
Stephen J. Rapp, United States Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes
Issues in the Office of Global Criminal Justice, is visiting the
African Great Lakes region, visited Kinshasa this week.
According to the State Department, "Ambassador Rapp is on foreign
travel to Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, where he will
participate in official meetings on global criminal
justice issues."
Rapp was recently apparently misquoted in a report by The Guardian
that claimed he was threatening the indictment of top Rwandan leaders
by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes committed in
the DRC by the Rwandan-backed M23 insurgents.
On Thursday, August 9, Rapp held a press briefing at Kinshasa American
Cultural Center.
On Friday, August 10, he flew to eastern Congo, before heading to
Kigali for talks with Rwandan authorities, according to news reports.
At his press briefing, Rapp made the following statement (my
translation from the French):
" We are very concerned, and we continue to monitor the deteriorating
security and humanitarian situation in eastern Congo, as well as the
increase, noted by various international and Congolese humanitarian
organizations, of cases of gender-based violence, abduction and forced
recruitment of children by some armed groups.
"We firmly condemn such acts of violence.
"The United States government will do everything possible to help the
government of the DRC bring to justice those responsible of such acts,
so as to have the rule of law prevail, and to ensure that they are
promptly held to account for their acts.
"The UN Security Council and the High Commissioner on Human Rights
Navi Pillay have recently cited five senior officers who have in the
past participated in atrocities against civilians and who should be
brought to justice: Bosco Ntaganda, Sultani Makenga,
Baudouin Ngaruye, Innocent Zimurinda and Innocent Kaina.
"The increasing unrest in eastern DRC is the direct consequence of the
mutiny issued from the Congolese armed forces and triggered by the
armed group called 'M23.'
"That has forced the Congolese armed forces and the UN peacekeeping
force to redirect resources slated for other regions that are prey to
insecurity.
"We support efforts by the DRC to put an end to the M23 mutiny and to
bring to justice Bosco Ntaganda, who is under an arrest warrant of the
International Criminal Court, as well as any other alleged author of
human rights violations among the leaders of the mutiny, who,
according to various reports, are allegedly recruiting child soldiers.
"The United States is very concerned by the support of Rwanda to M23.
"We have asked Rwanda to stop and to prevent such support from its
territory, to the extent that that support has undermined stability in
the region.
"Violence must stop and a long-term peaceful solution needs to be
found, which respects the sovereignty of the Congolese state and which
allows the DRC government to fully control its territory and its
security forces."
***
PHOTO CREDITS: Via: international.ucla.edu